Sarauta

sarauta
form of government (en)
Bayanai
Ƙaramin ɓangare na	monarchic system (en)
Nada jerin	list of monarchies (en)

Sovereignty is a hypothetical trade, in which two potentially (or really) conflicting sides, respecting de facto realities of power, exchange such recognitions as their least costly strategy.^[1]

Ana iya bayyana iko mallaka gabaɗaya a matsayin iko mafi girma. Yawanci Masarautar ta ƙunshi matsayi a cikin jihar da kuma ikon cin gashin kai na waje ga jihohi. A kowane jiha, ana ba da ikon mallaka ga mutum, jiki ko ma'aikata wanda ke da iko mafi girma a kan wasu mutane da kuma canza dokokin da ke akwai. A cikin Ka'idar siyasa, iko mallaka kalma ce mai mahimmanci da ke nuna iko mafi girma a kan wasu siyasa. A cikin dokar kasa da kasa, ikon mallaka shine nuna iko ta wata jihar. Masarautar doka tana nufin haƙƙin doka don yin hakan; masarautar zahiri tana nufin ikon gaskiya don yin hakan. Wannan na iya zama batun damuwa na musamman a kan gazawar tsammanin da aka saba da shi cewa de jure da de facto ikon mallaka sun kasance a wurin da lokacin damuwa, kuma suna zaune a cikin wannan kungiya

Kalmar ta samo asali ne daga Vulgar Latin *superanus (shi kansa wani nau'i ne na Latin super - "sama") ma'anar "shugaba", "mai mulki".^[2] Kalmominsa, wanda ya bambanta tun lokacin da kalmar ta fara bayyana a Turanci a karni na 14, kalmar Turanci "sarauta" ce ta rinjaye shi.

• Mulkin mallaka na cikin gida - ainihin iko a kan jihar da hukuma da aka shirya a cikin wannan jiha ke gudanarwa
• Masarautar dogaro da juna - ainihin iko da motsi a fadin iyakokin jihar
• Masarautar shari'a ta kasa da kasa - amincewa da wasu jihohi masu zaman kansu
• Masarautar Westphalia - babu wani iko a cikin jihar ban da mai mulkin gida (irin waɗannan hukumomi na iya zama misali ƙungiyar siyasa ko wani wakilin waje).

Sau da yawa, waɗannan fannoni huɗu duk suna bayyana tare, amma wannan ba lallai bane ya faru - ba su da alaƙa da juna, kuma akwai misalai na tarihi na jihohin da ba su da iko a wani bangare yayin da a lokaci guda suke da iko a wasu daga cikin waɗannan fannoni. A cewar Immanuel Wallerstein, wani muhimmin fasalin ikon mallaka shine cewa da'awar da dole ne a gane shi idan yana da ma'ana:

Akwai ƙarin abubuwa biyu na ikon mallaka wanda ya kamata a tattauna, ikon mallaka na kwarewa da ikon shari'a.^[3] Masarautar mallaka tana hulɗa da halattaccen wanda ke kula da jihar da halatteccen yadda suke amfani da ikonsu.^[3] Tilly ya yi nuni da misali inda aka ba da izini ga manyan mutane a wasu sassan Turai su shiga cikin haƙƙin masu zaman kansu da Ustages, kundin tsarin mulki na Catalonia ya amince da wannan haƙƙin wanda ke nuna ikon mallaka. Kamar yadda David Samuel ya nuna, wannan muhimmin bangare ne na jihar saboda dole ne a sami mutum ko rukuni na mutane da ke aiki a madadin mutanen jihar. Masarautar shari'a tana jaddada muhimmancin wasu jihohin da ke fahimtar haƙƙin wata jiha don yin amfani da iko da yardar rai ba tare da tsangwama ba.^[3] Misali, Jackson da Rosberg sun bayyana yadda ikon mallaka da tsira na jihohin Afirka suka fi rinjayar amincewar doka maimakon taimakon kayan aiki.^[4] Douglass North ya gano cewa cibiyoyin suna son tsari kuma waɗannan nau'ikan ikon mallaka guda biyu na iya zama hanya don bunkasa tsari.

A wani lokaci, Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ta ba da darajar ikon mallakar shari'a kuma ta yi ƙoƙari ta karfafa ƙa'idarta sau da yawa.^[3] Kwanan nan, Majalisar Dinkin Duniya tana motsawa kuma tana mai da hankali kan kafa ikon mallakar kwarewa.^[3] Michael Barnett ya lura cewa wannan ya fi dacewa da tasirin bayan yakin sanyi saboda Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ta yi imanin cewa samun jihohin dangantaka ta zaman lafiya ya kamata su kafa zaman lafiya a cikin yankinsu.^[3] A zahiri, masu ra'ayi sun gano cewa a lokacin bayan Yakin Cold mutane da yawa sun mai da hankali kan yadda tsarin ciki ya inganta zaman lafiya tsakanin jihohi.^[5] Misali, Zaum ya yi jayayya cewa yawancin ƙasashe masu rauni da talauci waɗanda Yakin Cold ya shafa an ba su taimako don bunkasa ikon mallakar da ba su da iko ta hanyar wannan ra'ayi na "masu mulkin mallaka".^[6]

Mai shari'a na Roman Ulpian ya lura cewa:

• Mutanen sun canja duk mulkin su da iko ga Sarkin sarakuna. Cum lege regia, quae de imperio eius lata est, populus ei et in eum omne suum imperium et potestatem conferat (Digest I.4.1)
• Dokokin ba su ɗaure sarki ba. Princeps legibus solutus est (Digest I.3.31)
• Hukuncin da sarki ya yanke yana da ikon doka. Quod principi placuit legis habet vigorem. (Ka yi amfani da ita a matsayin mai suna I.4.1)

Ulpian yana nuna ra'ayin cewa sarki yana nuna cikakkiyar ikon mallaka wanda ya samo asali ne daga mutane, kodayake bai yi amfani da kalmar a bayyane ba.

An san maganganun Ulpian a Turai ta zamani, amma ikon mallaka muhimmiyar ra'ayi ce a zamanin da. Sarakuna na zamani ba su da ikon mallaka, aƙalla ba haka ba ne, saboda an hana su, kuma sun raba iko tare da, aristocracy na feudal. Bugu da ƙari, duka biyun an tilasta su sosai ta hanyar al'ada. Masarautar ta wanzu a lokacin Medieval a matsayin haƙƙin doka na sarauta da sarauta.^[7]

Masarauta ta sake fitowa a matsayin ra'ayi a ƙarshen karni na 16, lokacin da yaƙe-yaƙe na basasa suka haifar da sha'awar iko mai ƙarfi na tsakiya lokacin da sarakuna suka fara tara iko a hannunsu a kan kuɗin masu daraja, kuma jihar al'umma ta zamani tana fitowa. Jean Bodin, wani bangare a cikin martani ga rikice-rikice na Yaƙe-yaƙe na addini na Faransa, ya gabatar da ra'ayoyin ikon mallaka yana kira ga iko mai ƙarfi na tsakiya a cikin hanyar mulkin mallaka. A cikin littafinsa na 1576 Les Six Livres de la République ("Littattafai shida na Jamhuriyar") Bodin ya yi jayayya cewa yana cikin yanayin jihar cewa ikon mallaka dole ne ya kasance:

• Cikakken: A wannan batu, ya ce dole ne a rufe mai mulki da wajibai da yanayi, dole ne ya sami damar yin doka ba tare da yardar talakawansa ba, dole ne dokokin magabata ba su ɗaure shi, kuma ba zai iya, saboda ba daidai ba ne, a ɗaure shi da dokokinsa.
• Har abada: Ba a ba da izini na ɗan lokaci game da shugaba mai ƙarfi a cikin gaggawa ko ma'aikacin jihar kamar majistare ba. Ya yi imanin cewa ikon mallaka dole ne ya kasance na dindindin saboda duk wanda ke da ikon aiwatar da iyakar lokaci a kan ikon mulki dole ne ya fi ikon mulki, wanda ba zai yiwu ba idan ikon mulki ya kasance cikakke.

Bodin ya ki amincewa da ra'ayin canja wurin ikon mallaka daga mutane zuwa ga mai mulki (wanda aka fi sani da mai mulki); dokar halitta da dokar allahntaka suna ba mai mulki damar yin mulki. Kuma mai mulki bai wuce dokar Allah ko dokar halitta ba. Yana sama (watau ba a ɗaure shi da) kawai doka mai kyau, wato, dokokin da mutane suka yi. Ya jaddada cewa mai mulki dole ne ya kiyaye wasu ka'idoji na asali da aka samo daga dokar allahntaka, dokar yanayi ko dalili, da kuma dokar da ta zama gama gari ga dukkan al'ummomi (jus gentium), da kuma ka'idojin jihar da ke tantance wanda shine mai mulki, wanda ya sami nasara ga ikon mallaka, da kuma abin da ke iyakance ikon mallaka. Don haka, dokar kundin tsarin mulki ta jihar da kuma dokar da ta fi girma da aka dauka a matsayin mai ɗaurewa ga kowane ɗan adam. Gaskiyar cewa mai mulki dole ne ya yi biyayya da dokar allahntaka da ta halitta yana sanya masa ƙuntatawa ta ɗabi'a. Bodin ya kuma yi imanin cewa lois royales, ka'idojin asali na mulkin mallaka na Faransa wanda ke tsara al'amuran kamar maye gurbin, dokokin halitta ne kuma suna da nasaba da mai mulkin Faransa.

Duk da jajircewarsa ga mulkin kama karya, Bodin yana da wasu ra'ayoyi masu matsakaici game da yadda ya kamata a aiwatar da gwamnati. Ya ci gaba da cewa ko da yake ba a tilasta wa mai mulki ba, yana da kyau a gare shi, a matsayin hanya mai amfani, ya kira Majalisar dattijai daga wanda zai iya samun shawara, ya ba da wasu iko ga majistare don gudanar da doka, da kuma amfani da dukiya a matsayin hanyar sadarwa tare da mutane.  ^{[ana buƙatar hujja]}Bodin ya yi imanin cewa "mafi girman allahntaka, mafi kyawun, da kuma tsarin jihar da ya fi dacewa da sarauta ana mulki a wani bangare na aristocratic da kuma wani bangare da dimokuradiyya".^[8]

A lokacin Age of Enlightenment, ra'ayin ikon mallaka ya sami ikon doka da na ɗabi'a a matsayin babban bayanin Yammacin ma'anar da ikon Jiha. Musamman, an ba da shawarar "Kwamitin Jama'a" a matsayin hanyar kafa ikon mallaka kuma, a shekara ta 1800, an yarda da shi sosai, musamman a sabuwar Amurka da Faransa, kodayake kuma a Biritaniya zuwa ƙarami.

Thomas Hobbes, in Leviathan (1651) put forward a conception of sovereignty similar to Bodin's, which had just achieved legal status in the "Peace of Westphalia", but for different reasons. He created the first modern version of the social contract (or contractarian) theory, arguing that to overcome the "nasty, brutish and short" quality of life without the cooperation of other human beings, people must join in a "commonwealth" and submit to a "Soveraigne [sic] Power" that can compel them to act in the common good. This expediency argument attracted many of the early proponents of sovereignty. Hobbes strengthened the definition of sovereignty beyond either Westphalian or Bodin's, by saying that it must be:^{[ana buƙatar hujja][9]}

1. ↑ Wallerstein, Immanuel (2004). World-Systems Analysis. Duke University Press. p. 44. ISBN 9780822334422.
2. ↑ "Collins' Dictionary, "Sovereign"".
3. ↑ ^{3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5} Barnett, Michael (1995). "The New United Nations Politics of Peace: From Juridical Sovereignty to Empirical Sovereignty". Global Governance. 1 (1): 79–97. doi:10.1163/19426720-001-01-90000007. ISSN 1075-2846. JSTOR 27800102.
4. ↑ Jackson, Robert H.; Rosberg, Carl G. (1986). "Sovereignty and Underdevelopment: Juridical Statehood in the African Crisis". The Journal of Modern African Studies. 24 (1): 1–31. doi:10.1017/S0022278X0000673X. ISSN 0022-278X. JSTOR 160511. S2CID 251060908 Check |s2cid= value (help).
5. ↑ Pietrzyk, Mark E. (2001). "Explaining the Post-Cold War Order: An International Society Approach". International Journal on World Peace. 18 (3): 31–54. ISSN 0742-3640. JSTOR 20753316.
6. ↑ Zaum, Dominik (February 2007). "1 Sovereignty in International Society". Oxford Academic. Retrieved March 3, 2023.
7. ↑ "Sovereignty". www.tititudorancea.com (in Turanci). Retrieved 26 November 2018.
8. ↑ Bodin, Six livres, 6:254 (VI:vi).
9. ↑ Philpott, Daniel (Fall 2020). "Sovereignty". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Retrieved 2023-08-16.