Benty Grange hanging bowl

 

Hanging bowls are thin-walled bronze vessels with three or four equidistant hooks around the rim for suspension. They are a fixture of Late Celtic, Anglo-Saxon, and Viking archaeology and art, spanning approximately 400 AD to 1100 AD.^[1] The hooks project from escutcheons: bronze plates or frames that are usually circular or oval, that are frequently elaborately decorated, and that are riveted or soldered (or occasionally both) to the bowl.^[2] Basal escutcheons, also known as basal discs, would sometimes sit at the base of the interior.^[3] A 2005 catalogue of hanging bowls identified approximately 174 known examples, around 68 of which were relatively complete.^[4] Within the British Isles, England accounted for 117, Scotland for 7, and Ireland for 17; elsewhere, Norway accounted for 26, and the remainder of Europe for 7.^[4]

The purpose of hanging bowls, and their places of manufacture, is unknown.^[2] They appear to have been manufactured by Celtic makers in Britain in the post-Roman period; examples were also used by Anglo-Saxons (who likely received bowls via trade) and, later, by Vikings.^[5][6] One possibility is that they were originally made by populations outside the sphere of Anglo-Saxon control, such as in the Severn Valley in southwest England and the Moray Firth in Scotland, and—as the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms extended their territories—were manufactured in progressively northern places, such as Dál Riata, Strathclyde, and Pictland, with the tradition ultimately taking root in Ireland also.^[6][7]

Many suggestions have been made regarding the original use of hanging bowls, including their use as lamps or lamp reflectors,^[8] votive vessels hung in churches,^[9] vessels for liturgical use such as washing hands or communion vessels,^[10][11] sanctuary lamps, wayside drinking vessels of the sort Edwin of Northumbria is said to have provided for travelers,^[12] finger bowls,^[13] scale pans for weighing wool,^[14] magnetic compasses, food containers, holy water stoups, wash basins, and ceremonial vessels used in mead halls.^[15][16] When they were acquired by Anglo-Saxons and Vikings, the bowls likely took on even more uses.^[15] Whatever their original functional purpose, by the seventh century, hanging bowls appear to have been increasingly associated with wealth and the status of their owners;^[17] during the seventh and early eighth centuries hanging bowls were a common feature in richly furnished Anglo-Saxon graves.^[18] By this point, the role of hanging bowls as a status symbol may have been more important than any functional purpose.^[17]

 

Two escutcheons are all that remain of the Benty Grange hanging bowl.^[19] They are made of enamelled bronze and are 40 mm (1.6 in) in diameter.^[19] They have the same design and plain frames, parts of which survive.^[19] Both escutcheons are fragmentary; enough survives of each for the design to be reconstructed,^[19] and, because of overlapping segments, for it to be certain that they represent two distinct pieces.^[20] Whether they are hook or basal escutcheons is uncertain, but a contemporary watercolour by Llewellynn Jewitt suggests that a hook was present at excavation, and an iron ring, 2 millimetres in width and 16 in diameter, stuck to the back of one fragment may have been part of a suspension chain.^[19] The decomposed enamel background appears uniformly yellow to the eye,^[21] as it did when excavated.^[22][23][24] A yellow-creatures-on-red-background colour scheme has alternatively been claimed,^[25][26][27] but no evidence for such a layout has been presented.^[21] As sampling of the enamel was not permitted when one of the escutcheons was analysed in 1968, the all-yellow hypothesis is not definitive.^{[28][note 2]}

The reconstructed design shows three ribbon-style creatures resembling dolphins or fish, depicted in and arranged in a circle with each biting the tail of the one in front.^[19] The bodies are defined by their outlines.^[20] They are limbless, the tails curled in a circle, the jaws long and curved, and slightly ajar; the bitten tails pass under each creature's upper jaw and over its lower, but are missing where one would expect to see them passing through the gap between jaws.^[19] Each creature has a small eye shaped like a pointed oval.^[19] The outer borders of the discs, the plain frames, and the contours and eyes of the creatures are all tinned or silvered.^[19]

Surviving records of the third escutcheon indicate that it was of a different style and size.^[19][20] Drawings by Bateman and Jewitt show it with a scroll pattern and small piece of frame.^[20][22][32] It appears to have been about half the size of the other two, and may have originally been placed at the bottom of the hanging bowl.^[19]

The escutcheons were presumably part of an entire hanging bowl when buried.^[19] Nothing else survives.^[19] A mass of corroded chainwork discovered 6 feet (1.8 m) away, which survives only in illustrations by Jewitt and descriptions by Bateman,^[33][34] is unlikely to be related; although a large and intricate chain was found with a cauldron from Sutton Hoo, the Benty Grange chains appear dissimilar.^[35] The Benty Grange chainwork was also probably too heavy to have been used to suspend the hanging bowl.^[35]

 

The dolphin-like designs on the Benty Grange hanging bowl are paralleled by designs on other escutcheons, and even more closely by designs on medieval illuminated manuscripts.^[25][36] Three escutcheons from a hanging bowl found in Faversham show creatures that also look like dolphins,^[37][38][39] but with more detailed bodies;^[36] a better parallel is with a disc found near the Lullingstone hanging bowl which dates to the late seventh century and is also decorated with dolphin-like creatures.^[40][41] Two other sixth- or seventh-century discs, found in Chilton and Coltishall, also depict intertwined serpent-like creatures attempting to eat their own tails.^[42][43] The third escutcheon from Benty Grange, meanwhile, surviving only in illustration, is most closely paralleled by the basal disc of the Winchester hanging bowl.^[44][45]

Even closer parallels to the Benty Grange designs are found in manuscript illustrations.^[36] Bateman remarked on this as early as 1861, noting that similar patterns were used in "several manuscripts of the [seventh] Century, for the purpose of decorating the initial letters".^[24][46] Metalwork designs like those on the Benty Grange escutcheons may have inspired aspects of the manuscript art.^[47][48] In particular, the mid-seventh-century Durham Gospel Fragment contains two similar fish-like motifs contained within the lateral stroke of the INI monogram that introduces the Gospel of Mark.^[20][49] The Book of Durrow also contains an illustration of similarly linked yellow dolphin-like creatures.^[47][48]

The Benty Grange hanging bowl is dated by most experts to the second half of the seventh century, based on its design and the associated finds from the barrow in which it was found.^[44] Given the presence of a helmet and cup with silver crosses, wrote Audrey Ozanne, "[t]he straightforward interpretation of this find would seem to be that it dates from a period subsequent to the official introduction of Christianity into Mercia in 655".^[50][51][52] The surviving escutcheons also suggest a date in the mid-seventh century, given their resemblance to the illustrations in the Durham Gospel Fragment and the Book of Durrow;^[53][54] the Winchester hanging bowl's basal disc, which the third Benty Grange escutcheon resembles, has traditionally been given the same date.^[26][55]

 

The hanging bowl was discovered in a barrow on the Benty Grange farm in Derbyshire,^[56] in what is now the Peak District National Park.^[57] Thomas Bateman, an archaeologist and antiquarian who led the excavation,^{[note 3]} described Benty Grange as "a high and bleak situation";^[56] its barrow, which still survives, is prominently located by a major Roman road,^[60] now roughly parallel to the A515 in the area,^[61] possibly to display the burial to passing travellers.^[62][63] The barrow is one of several tumuli in the vicinity and may have also been designed to share the skyline with two other nearby monuments, Arbor Low stone circle and Gib Hill barrow.^[62][64]

The seventh-century Peak District was a small buffer province between Mercia and Northumbria, occupied, according to the Tribal Hidage, by the Anglo-Saxon Pecsæte.^{[65][66][note 4]} The area came under the control of the Mercian kingdom around the eighth century;^[66] the Benty Grange and other rich barrows suggest that the Pecsæte may have had their own dynasty beforehand, but there is no written evidence for this.^[65]

Bateman excavated the barrow on 3 May 1848.^[56] Although he did not mention it in his account, he was probably not the first person to dig up the grave.^[71] The fact that the objects were found in two clusters 6 feet (1.8 m) apart, and that other objects that normally accompany a helmet, such as a sword and shield, were absent,^[72] suggests that the grave had previously been looted.^[71] Given the size of the mound, an alternative (or additional) explanation is that it originally contained two burials, only one of which Bateman discovered.^{[73][note 5]}

The barrow comprises a circular central mound approximately 15 m (50 ft) in diameter and 0.6 m (2 ft) high, an encircling fosse about 1 m (3.3 ft) wide and 0.3 m (1 ft) deep, and outer penannular earthworks around 3 m (10 ft) wide and 0.2 m (0.66 ft) high.^[73] The entire structure measures approximately 23 by 22 m (75 by 72 ft).^[73] Bateman suggested a body once lay at its centre, flat against the original surface of the soil;^[56][75] what he described as the one remnant, strands of hair, is now thought to be from a cloak of fur, cowhide or something similar.^[76] The recovered objects were found in two clusters.^[71][77][78] One cluster was found in the area of the supposed hair, the other about 6 ft (1.8 m) to the west.^[77][78] In the latter area Bateman described "a large mass of oxydized iron" which, when removed and washed, presented itself as a jumbled collection of chainwork, a six-pronged piece of iron resembling a hayfork, and the boar crested Benty Grange helmet.^[79][80][81]

In the area of the supposed hair, Bateman described "a curious assemblage of ornaments", which were difficult to remove successfully from the hardened earth.^[56][77] This included a cup identified as leather but probably of wood,^[82][83] approximately 3 in (7.6 cm) in diameter at the mouth.^[56][22] Its rim was edged with silver,^[56] and its surface was "decorated by four wheel-shaped ornaments and two crosses of thin silver, affixed by pins of the same metal, clenched inside".^[24] Also found were "a knot of very fine wire", some "thin bone variously ornamented with lozenges &c." attached to silk, but that soon decayed when exposed to air, and the Benty Grange hanging bowl.^[22][32][46] As Bateman described it

The other articles found in the same situation are principally personal ornaments, of the same scroll pattern as those figured at page 25 of the Vestiges of the Antiquities of Derbyshire;^[84]—of these enamels, there were two upon copper, with silver frames; and another of some composition which fell to dust almost immediately: the prevailing colour in all is yellow.^[22]

 

Bateman closed his 1848 account of the excavation by noting the "particularly corrosive nature of the soil",^[85] which by 1861 he said "has generally been the case in tumuli in Derbyshire".^[86] He suggested that this was the result of "a mixing or tempering with some corrosive liquid; the result of which is the presence of thin ochrey veins in the earth, and the decomposition of nearly the whole of the human remains."^[86] Bateman's friend Llewellynn Jewitt, an artist and antiquarian who frequently accompanied Bateman on excavations,^[87] painted four watercolours of the finds, parts of which were included in Bateman's 1848 account.^{[88][note 6]} This was more than Jewitt produced for any other of their excavations, a mark of the importance that they assigned to the Benty Grange barrow.^[88]

The hanging bowl escutcheons entered Bateman's extensive collection. On 27 October 1848 he reported his discoveries, including the helmet, cup, and hanging bowl, at a meeting of the British Archaeological Association,^[90][91][92] and in 1855 they were catalogued along with other objects from the Benty Grange barrow.^[93] In 1861 Bateman died at age 39,^[59] and in 1876 his son, Thomas W. Bateman, loaned the collection to the town council (the Corporation of Sheffield).^[94] It was displayed at the Weston Park Museum through 1893, at which point the younger Bateman, having spent his father's fortune, was forced to sell by order of chancery.^[95][96] The Corporation of Sheffield purchased many of the objects that had been excavated in Yorkshire, Derbyshire, and Staffordshire, including the helmet, the cup fittings, and one of the hanging bowl escutcheons; other pieces were dispersed by Sotheby's,^[96][97] and later in 1893 the second escutcheon was presented to the Ashmolean Museum at the University of Oxford by Sir John Evans.^[98] As of 2021 and 2023, respectively, the escutcheons remain in the collections of the two museums.^[99][98]

The Benty Grange barrow was designated a scheduled monument on 23 October 1970.^[73] The list entry notes that "[a]lthough the centre of Benty Grange [barrow] has been partially disturbed by excavation, the monument is otherwise undisturbed and retains significant archaeological remains."^[73] It goes on to note that further excavation would yield new information.^[73] The surrounding fields were designated a Site of Special Scientific Interest in 2013, and are used for agricultural purposes.^[100] The nearby farmhouse was renovated between 2012 and 2014;^[101][102] and as of 2023 is used as a holiday cottage.^[103]

Bateman published an article on the Benty Grange excavation in October 1848, five months after excavating the barrow, in The Journal of the British Archaeological Association.^[104] The finds were included in his 1855 catalogue of his collection,^[105] and shortly before his death, Bateman revised and expanded upon his 1848 account in his 1861 book Ten Years' Digging in Celtic and Saxon Grave Hills.^[106] Llewellynn Jewitt commented upon the finds, including the hanging bowl, in his 1870 book Grave-Mounds and their Contents.^[107]

The hanging bowl was one of the first to be discovered, and in 1898 John Romilly Allen included it among 16 examples in the first English article to discuss hanging bowls as a distinct class of artefacts.^[108][109] It was frequently mentioned in the literature thereafter,^[36] including reconstructions by T. D. Kendrick in 1932 and 1938,^[110][111] Françoise Henry in 1936,^[112] Audrey Ozanne in 1962–1963,^[113] George Speake in 1980,^[114] and Jane Brenan in 1991.^[115] Rupert Bruce-Mitford published a chapter on the Benty Grange burial in 1974, focusing on the helmet,^[116] and published what he termed a definitive reconstruction of the escutcheons in 1987;^[117] in his posthumous 2005 work A Corpus of Late Celtic Hanging-Bowls he added a full description of the hanging bowl, and a colour reconstruction of the escutcheons.^[118]