Forest Finns

Foreword by the Publisher

Finnforest culture has its roots to the east, and is found throughout northern Eurasia. Shifting cultivation was the main means for the survival of the forest Finns. Shifting cultivation was a very land-intensive farming method, resulting in a constant need for new areas. This was the reason for the migration, which spread slowly westward. They searched for new forests, needing spruce of good quality. Forest Finns came to Norway between 1620 and 1630. They first settled in the forests bordering Sweden, but then spread further into the eastern part of Telemark in the west. There are registered Forest Finn settlements in 40 municipalities in Hedmark, Oppland, Oslo, Akershus, Østfold and Telemark counties. Norsk Skogfinsk Museum main task is to preserve and show the world the Forestfinns culture. Per Martin Tvengsberg is one of those who have the most knowledge about this culture. I therefor recommend this script to all who are interested in knowing more of this topic.

Ragnhild Queseth Haarstad

Head of the Board at Norsk Skogfinsk Museum

Foreword by the Web Editor

I got to know Per Martin Tvengsberg some years ago Because of his previous capacity as curator at Hedmark Museum. Later I learned about his theories of how "slash and burn" cultivation culture has formed Europeans. Slash and burn culture according to Per Martin Tvengsberg influenced European culture over perhaps 10,000 years and thus have evolutionary consequences for its descendants. Regular stationary agriculture has only been around for one to two thousand years and therefore not as strong impact.

And this is not much research on! Perhaps because of insufficient archaeological material? But it is no less possible that his theories are correct for that reason.

The current prevailing theory that we went from being hunters and gatherers to suddenly engage stationary agricultural overnight. How likely is that?

Is Per Martin Tvengsberg coming with a missing link here? He supports his theories with incredible exciting reports far back as it is possible to get: Homer, Cesar, Tacitus, Ibn Rustah etc. There must be a huge effort in just finding these sources.

His approach was in itself being a descendant of people from that culture. The more he drilled into the material, he began to see possible connections with other tracks that were almost wiped out of time.

I think this must be communicated to the world and has been helping to post it on Wikisource.

Bjørn Eggen

Only fascinated and web editor.

                          You can also see His Web page where Per Martin Tvengsberg invites to discussion.

Shifting cultivation in Finnskogen is the basis for this study. As a descendant of Finnskog affiliations, this topic has always been of interest to me. When I learned the letters, I read on the back of a book in the living room at home: “Kansatieteellinen Arkisto”. When I eagerly wanted to know what this meant, Father told me to ask my grandmother, but she only tried to calm me down by saying that it was probably something mysterious in Finnish. It may also be that this is an inadequate presentation of shifting cultivation and so a hypothetical presentation. But I am of the opinion that bold hypotheses are far preferable to no hypotheses at all. If someone were to prove that my speculations are not right, then I am the first to wish this welcome. Hypotheses have to be tested, otherwise one can never obtain new knowledge, and it is the ambition of my foray to get into the unknown and exciting past.

The terminology in shifting or swidden literature is often confusing and inconsistent. I would recommend Spencer's comments (Spencer 1966 6) and Appendix B, (Spencer 1966 175).^[1] which treats this terminology with English literature using "slash-and-burn or shifting cultivation". Shifting cultivation means change of place, and the cultivation refers most often in older literature to a simpler agriculture than the meaning of the word "agriculture" today. "Swidden" is rarely used in current literature, and is completely omitted in several recent dictionaries.

I therefore consider it necessary to present three definitions:

Shifting cultivation here means the cultivation of hominids and crops for human consumption on freshly burned vegetation area or forest within a fewer number of years than the time that area is left to natural regeneration. Conklin 1961 27).^[2]

This is the oldest form of food production as proto humans have developed it over millions of years. During this long span of time, shifting cultivation developed into a complex process, requiring the coordinated interaction of larger groups of people. This way of life can be traced back to Africa and / or China, where the forerunners of Homo erectus (the erect man) had a nascent rise more than five million years ago. Later they spread out across the world, including northern Europe, less than one million years ago. But it is much less than one million years ago that Homo sapiens (the man who knows and can) came from Africa to Eurasia. They were knowledgeable and experienced people already. Shifting cultivation is highly community-forming. The smallest unit was the clan – the cultivation team – and often several clans would cooperate with one another. The manager, or Kuningas, had many functions. It was not only practical, but also political and religious. Cultivation was mobile; the clan moved to new forests to burn and grow food crops. They had no monumental construction. It is therefore difficult to trace them archaeologically, even from the study of Terra Preta (charcoal-rich soil). The swidden ranged from single ones onsite to periodic settlements, punctuated by moderately long abandonment. This rest period was required for necessary forest regrowth. Surveys of mountain caves and other natural settlements have revealed many cultural layers upon one another with natural forest regrowth in between. This stratigraphy indicates cultural development. Here in random order I will mention a few such places: Catalhöyük in Turkey, Altamira in northern Spain, Jericho in Israel, Kostenki Voronezh in Russia, Skara Brea on Orkeney, and the cave Vistehola at Jæren in Norway.

Nowadays we are accustomed to excess in stationary conditions. We are trained and raised in the European tradition, which considered shifting cultivation as a simple, primitive form of life without significant cultural organization. This attitude is probably the reason why researchers have thoroughly investigated shifting cultivation. There are many characterizing features of shifting cultivation that are widely considered “primitive” and “self-taught”.

They were nomads who want to have a few things to carry, for their skill and knowledge was not a heavy load. Shifting cultivation is the foundation of today's society: our values, customs, ideas, and conventions. Arable farming is too young to have influenced the development of mankind's history to any significant degree, yet we still feel its effects in our daily lives. The declining tropical rainforest is the site of most of today’s shifting cultivation practices.

“The oldest of all farming methods is shifting cultivation. It has been in Sweden since old times and it seems to permeate every subject the further back in time we go. It is the oldest of all cultivation systems, at least in forested areas” (1923 Arenander 99).^[3] "Kauran Karjalan ahoille, Rukeheni Ruotsin maalle, -Vehnät viskoan Virohon - Kylvän ohrat Suomen maalle - Hernehet Hämehen maalle - Jost Vilja virtoavi - Vilja vierahan kätehen" (Kaukonen 1984 II, 252).^[4]; Oats in Karelia svedjer - Rye on Swedish land - Hveat returns Estonia – Barley grows on Suomi fields - peas on Hämä fields, - Here the grain flows, - The grain is always next.

Stationary shifting cultivation is the continuous cultivation of food crops on burned vegetation, which remains after the previous season's harvest at a particular location. An example is the Levada system for the regulation of water supply from the hills above. The warm, moist day air condenses when nighttime air is forced up the slopes and cools off. Shifting cultivation was also artificially constructed with sloping “terrain”, such as in the hanging gardens, pyramids (pühä raamid), Ziggurats, and other monumental often cone-shaped constructions (Haut). Megalithic monuments in Nabta Playa in Sudan are among the oldest major human constructions.

In Western Europe there are remains of megalithic monuments that have been in use since 1500 BC: Stonehenge and the Durrington Walls, the Salisbury plains in Wales, stone rows at Carnac in France, and Palaggiu in Corsica. Stationary shifting cultivation is very diverse and complex, but it is easy to find clues of its existence in the landscape. Therefore, much more investigative activity happens here than in the study of nomadic cultivation.

Field cultivation is growing crops on burned and cleared land. The soil is mechanically cultivated on an annual basis, or is enriched by periodical floods or other natural processes. River valleys such as the Euphrates and Tigris in Mesopotamia, the Nile in Egypt, the Indus in India, and the Yangtze and the Yellow River in China are examples of this.

These methods are so ancient that field users today have little to no knowledge of this way of clearing.

The human plowing and harrowing of soil is the youngest of the three cultivation methods. Around 1300 BC, Indo-Aryans expanded to west Asia Minor and the Balkans, continuing on into Europe. On their way, they learned to melt the iron of the Hittites. The European Iron Age began in approximately 800 BC Herodotus (484-425 BC) and told the legend of the Scythians who received the plow sent from heaven.

The iron plow was going to revolutionize agriculture. The individual field user now had full responsibility of and control over food production, no longer relying on neighbors. The individual's ethics and morals, but also power, was decisive. Individual awareness of responsibility, sin, and salvation – and therefore belief – emerged. The belief in and respect for a Savior / God prevailed as a necessary aspect of the survival process. Agricultural religion became a monotheistic religion. It required personal faith, a belief in one God. It still required the resources of land, knowledge, and labor, but it was also necessary to introduce new laws, because it would have been chaotic with no new rules of human coexistence. The old mobile society, with its rituals and social systems, was totally transformed by the transition to agriculture.

This happened in the Mediterranean before the time of the Roman Empire. North of the Alps, the change came somewhat later.

After a long period of using the same soil, a deadly fungal disease, ergot, was flourishing in the area that is now France - Germany. It is even claimed that it affected the division of Central Europe in the two kingdoms. Ergot spread to England and further north in Europe, and is credited as a strong contributing factor to Greenland’s depopulation in the late Middle Ages. Rye was particularly exposed to this infectious fungal attack, but it will be discussed later in this publication.

Many cultural elements of shifting cultivation presented themselves in the agricultural community. People need their social environments to confirm their identities. The old ways impacted the new structural features of society. The swidden leader was the chief: the almighty, violent leader that everyone had to obey. The axman serf was a farmer on a parcel of allotted land, after the great families' leaders had distributed the land among themselves. The weakest were slaves. The crop was divided as before. The farmer would usually retain a third of the crop, or one fifth of irrigated land. This became the basis for a new social stratification and specialization of different groups in the new society. Community was not so inclusive anymore, and various groups came into conflict with each other for the right to own land. Shifting power alliances ensured political stability in order to conquer or avoid being conquered. Much of the iron was spent on war instead of food production. Earlier stone tools had not remained usable in combat.

Materialism became a driving force and title was a sign of power, which necessitated the enforcement of new rules to curb fighting. The politically strategic merging of small kingdoms became a common practice. New organizational and legal / social structures occurred all over Europe, most recently in the north, such as in the Malar region (Hyenstrand 1974).^[5]

It was Christianity’s first non-entry in the Viking Age. The church was dependent on a strong field operation before it could succeed with individual faith in the White Christ. Swidden methods have evolved over time depending on a large number of variables: climate, topography, access to forest / soil, vegetation, labor, technology, and experience. Swidden cultivators have normally been nomadic, leaving very few legible traces except for major changes in the land’s natural regrowth. A change in vegetation is often mistakenly interpreted as a natural rather than manmade phenomenon.

The relationship between population and food production has been a controversial topic due to difficulties relating size to population. Registered data from one culture is often not comparable with a different culture. The collection of relevant data is also very complicated, often because the researcher does not know the foreign culture well enough. A common deficiency is that the period of regrowth has not been sufficiently taken into account. Overproduction was common and therefore an unpredictable factor. The units gained additional meaning in arable farming, but the same words lived on. Now they were based on arable farming parameters: an "ax" was like a "Lott", but how much work is it? How much rye is a "stakk"? "Haken" used to be the same as the swidden land, but in arable farming it came to be an area measure.

During the Middle Ages, arable farming took over food production in the Nordic European countries. Field use has led to the deterioration of grain quality, while the quantity has increased. The number of "tunnland" pr.haken increased, but tunnland was not originally a unit area. In Estonia, the number of haken came to be much larger at 1500 than the years it had been staying at the 1200's (1925 Johansen 2),^[6] for now the haken and tunnland came about to be measurements of area. The written sources from the 1300's arrange shifting cultivation and agriculture separately, "Acker ungerodet und gerodet / ungebuwet und gebuwet / ungeploget und geploget / agri inculti a culti” (Johansen 1925 80).^[7] In this transition period there were no land area standards so the variations were confusing.

Human history is complex, but history can be traced if one starts with the relationship between landscape, flora, fauna and climate. By registering the human influence on nature to achieve the envisaged food production, one can also observe relationships between cultivation and social change. Recordable natural climate changes and shifts have affected cultivation as well as ethnological, social and technological dimensions. Its regularity can be understood through long-term study under continuing cultural and ecological changes (Conklin 1961 29).^[8]

By ranking local variations at different locations over time, one can detect systematic relationships between ecological components and their methodological dependencies on one another. Otherwise dependencies can last for the benefit of the research of shifting cultivation. Burning to clear new farmland or burning for grass production is not called shifting cultivation in this context. I have chosen to keep clearing by burning out of this study, because it would complicate the real issue at hand. But this is not to say that clearings of new land and grass production have not remained relevant.

In the study of swidden cultivation, it is necessary that we go into practical details and their relationships to one another. Language is also a good helper in this context. The speech is old and it has a logical and semantic build-up. Conformed stems often have a near-etymological affinity to practical use. Therefore there are some Finnish words in brackets after the corresponding Norwegian term, written here without any adjacent comment.

Swidden cultivation of food products listed in shorthand form: first the choice of place, then followed by logging, burning, seeding, harvesting, and finally regrowth of the forest.

Natural influences that need to be considered can be divided into three groups: climate (Ilma) - ground (maa) - life (elo).

Man's contribution can also be divided into three groups: technology (kirves) - social order (kirjo) - experience (ruhnu).

The heads of swidden family groups or clans (noite) had to have, at all times, an overview of their own clan's activities in order to put together these three parameters to a kind of "rubik-cube", according to their own experiences and conscious thought.

The time frame covers the first three cues of removal of the existing vegetation, which is controlled by man. The next three deal with the new vegetation, crops, and regrowth of new forests.

The time between harvest and regrowth varies from direct transition to regrowth through a number of years with a second use of swidden (vuoma) to never regrow, i.e. direct transition from the crop (pühä) to a permanent farm place / settlement (Piha).

Natural influences noite need only register and take into account in assessment: climate with rain, wind, temperature, drainage conditions, soil type, topography, flora and fauna, but he mastered his seeds brought for planting.

Noite coordinate so that all valves within the clans function: technology with adequate treatment of the area at the right time, cutting, burning, and social order. Runic poetry was a faithful helper in the exploitation of past experience and knowledge, and poems thankfully have the ability to survive generations.

Swidden cultivation requires a large number of people in the group to survive as an operational unit. It is a complex cycle of synchronized processes performed by individuals and / or groups in binding cooperation.

Such production union is often called a clan, extended family, kind, thiod, ätt, or tribe; in Russian plemja, rod; in Persian tauma, and Sanskrit jana, kula-. The village name in today's Finno-Ugric languages is küla. The word küllä is a reinforced yes: those that say yes and agree. Each man in swidden society had significance as a participant in the community, not as a person.

Individualism was an unknown phenomenon in this society. Complex cultivation cycles consist of a variety of carefully synchronized tasks, performed by individuals in an intimate partnership. This interaction should be so well established that the individual is synonymous with the community. These sophisticated procedures are perceived badly by outsiders, and in older literature, are often characterized as religious rituals without being given any practical significance. Only rarely have outsiders been able to understand the functional correlation. Swidden cultivation was dependent on that the various procedures were correctly and synchronously executed. Incorrect procedure was disastrous and could not be accepted. So ruled a cult excluding, polytheistic religion. Religion set the bar of worldly knowledge, as well as a communication process where the knowledge was kept alive through constant practical use, and new knowledge was developed and displaced useless routines with new rituals. The code was ruled by the forest, air, and water spiritual beings. Skogsråa / wood nymphs, giants and dwarfs lived in the underworld (allima), and they were given three functions: to help those people who respected and appreciated the forest spirits, to punish those who broke the rules of the forest, and to remind people that in the forest, man is not the boss, and cannot act arbitrarily. Similarly, the air (taevas) and water spirits, (jumal) were both helpers and punishers.

Only when iron was in common use as a metal was the plow so efficient, thus allowing arable farming to take over most of the food production.

At the same time Christianity came to the north of Europe, the old rituals and rules were still kept alive, especially where swidden cultivation continued at the side of plowing agriculture. The new religion was adapted elite / leadership, but initiated with little impact on the farming community. The church tried to remedy this by refining their saints and martyrs for the local franchise days and festivals. But the people continued to "consult" their old gods, for they protected both crops and livestock. The new religion was received as a positive contribution, and people often accepted baptism, the new holy days, and church services, but they still referred to old gods as a precaution. Runas rituals and festivals have survived the great paradigm change through the introduction of monotheism. These relics make for a diverse and interesting material study today. Poems, memories, fairy tales, legends and songs about creatures and events are often in a large number of varieties and over large geographic areas. They can be very old, and contain elements of mythic structure. Christian celebrations are usually inserted in an older context. Their Christian elements can be seen very clearly. A being / event is often attached to specific characterizing words / phrases. Old myths can be reconstructed via cooperation between subjects: ethnology, mythology, philology, semiotics and others.

The collection of runes in Karelia, Finland, Ingria, and Estonia from the end of 1700 onwards started a gradually heating debate about the Finnish religion. The priests and missionaries had collected historical material. They wanted to show that the Sami were good Christians, because after 30 years of war (1618-48), Sweden was accused of having used the Sami / Finnish witchcraft in the service.

Some claimed that the Finns worshiped one God and believed in the soul's salvation / damnation, while others argued that this could not be detected. Gottlund wrote in 1839 to his fellow student from Uppsala, Lars Levi Lästadius, that he had discussed this in Swedish Literature Tidning (1818), where he reviews Rühs, "Finnland och dess invånare" (Finland and its inhabitants), and that he had not changed his mind. "What Ganander, Petterson, Rühs and others have written about it is purely Galimathias.” The Finns have not in their language any words that denote: church, temple, pray, sacrifice, altar, priests, etc. Jumala (God) is not a nomen appellativum, but a proprium, and cannot be used as an added word constructed with, or together with, other nominations propria. You say Jumala-Isa, Jumala-poike (instead of Isä Jumala, Poike Jumala, etc. ), but it is not Finnish, and is against the nature of the language of Christianity. Just this should show you how the Finnish mythologies are to their reasons. Only the Finnish Runa (Song) may deserve to be read, though not as psalm, hymn, or belief. If the Finns in heathen were convinced of the soul’s eternal life, of punishment and prosperity in another world, no real conclusions can be drawn from it today. What one can find out indirectly through their philosophy, language, and old literature may be obtained in the writings of old Finnish philosophy. First transcribed in Ottawa and now published in German at Leipzig Bruckhaus, it was distributed at Sederholm in Moscow, which has since then provided an excerpt in 1835 on the 'Morgenblath' as Cotta published it in Augsburg "(Lästadius 1959 15).^[9]

Gottlund did not have much confidence in Ganander`s" Mythologia Fennica, "which was published in Turku 1789. Ganander takes it for granted that tale characters were gods, which he describes according to an old manuscript written by Lennart Sidenius.

It was the priests who described the Finnish mythology. They had a mission assignment and wrote from a Christian point of view and used the church's terminology. Only a few spoke Finnish or Sami. Gottlund is right that there are a lot of source materials waiting to be used: runas.

Signs and symbols can tell; the pentagram (viisikanta, viskant, viisnurk) was used to test the axman. With five blows he would make a symmetrical pentagram. I did not succeed. My cousin Johannes Säterbakken (1908 -1990) took me to a big spruce tree. "Here I have sat many times, thinking,” he said. "The first cut should be angled correctly." He took off his hat and demonstrated a cut in the tree-calf. "Cut the next four," he said, and gave me the ax. "This is a great star. The tip of it is pointing straight up at the top of the bush." I firmly believe that he succumbed to the tree before he put on his hat. We went back to the farm. When he put down his ax, he said, "She knows she shall be cut down come winter." That it had magical significance is not surprising. The pentagram with the tip up represents the world (maa - ilm) and with the tip down it simulates the underworld (maa - all). The Finns used it as protection for the cows, especially when they grazed in the forest. During the meal afterwards, Ellen said, half loudly: "Höss, - is it for the spruce by the sauna --- I wonder ---?" Johannes reassured that she should remain at peace. "The giant spruces standing until the old age itself lie them down. The rot ate them up from the inside and the wind had been working to tear them down. After they had eaten from the earth for a hundred years, they lied down and gave it all back. And the moss wove them fallen into the green, and Linnea decorated the graves with nodding bells on fine wire stems "(Holth 1982 223).^[10]

Metsää tervehitään. Forest greeting.

(Suomen Kansan Vanhat Runot, VII 4 SKS Helsinki, 1933. Raja - ja Pohjois - Karjalan Runot 2489. Suistamo, Loimola.)^[11]

There is still a long way to go before the faith and ways of life at swidden Finns are explored and understood.

Finnish mythology and the belief in supernatural forces, beings, and effects, can be traced primarily from the swidden manager ( noita ). He had the people's respect, and everyone accepted his assessment and obeyed his commands. The clan’s existence depended on his knowledge and decisions.

Missionary priests have often concluded from such loyalty that noitas practice witchcraft and possess supernatural powers; this was effective because people believed blindly in noita. But many of the priests did not truly understand what noitas’ power over the people actually consisted of. People's loyalty stemmed from the old days of noitas’ ability to lead cultivation. Could he not guide satisfactorily, he was promptly deposed, exiled or killed. Priests’ sermons about the Christian religion and promise of eternal life or suffering and destruction in the opposite case were not enough for swidden culture. The Incarnation was a completely alien thought, as well as eternal life as something desirable. The numerous Finnish runes / poems says that he who molests other clan’s selections or swidden plots should not be allowed to go back to nature, ordered to wander around forever.

When death occurred, the Finns went into the wild. The specific burial site of the corpse was not that significant, but it was believed that the dead body should be returned to nature. In the North - Karelia Elias Lönnrot noticed several groves of old trees where the figures were carved into the trunks. By Kandalax he noticed upside-down facing human figures carved in trees (Lönnrot 2002 255).^[12]

This was the old cemetery where the forest was left untouched, and the characters were visible remains of the ancient pre-Christian burial custom. In September 1833 he tells of "a fresh harvested swidden", where a cross was erected. The wizard said, "When the forest was cut down a year before, one of the men was killed by a falling tree. As it was difficult to get the dead body from the place, they instead got the priest back there to bury him on the spot, now marked with a cross. With indignation I was thinking of how our community would have acted at one time. If it had been in the most busy harvesting time, it would have occupied the whole crew in the village to get the deceased to the churchyard." (Lönnrot 2002 184).^[13]

The Estonian word for grave is, haud / haua. This word was likely brought to Estonia with the Vikings.

Spaniard Paul Orosius wrote 417 AD, "& thar is mid Estum an mägth that hi magon cyle gewyrcan, & thy thär licgath tha deadan men sova langa & ne fuliath, thät hy wyrcath thone cyle hine on.” There are clans among the Estonians who know how to chill corpses, and that is why the dead men there do not rot: because they keep them cold (Orosius 417 18).^[14]

Upon a runic stone at Gripsholm ca.1040 AD is carved the memory of the Vikings, who died in österled: "De foer mandigt fjernt efter guld og österude gav de örnene föde De döde sydpå i Särkland” They traveled far eastward, seeking gold, feeding eagles upon their deaths in Särkland" (North Arabia). A tragic rune is about a young man (lösfinne), who was fatally injured during swidden, far from home in the north, a place among the Sami. He realizes that he will die soon, and that his dead body will then become food for ravens, and crows will also pick up his body, "Kaaun kankahan nenähän - Kuolen korppien kotihin - Variksien vainiolle" (Kaukonen 1984 II, 305).^[15]

In 1986 Sven R.Gjems interviewed the loggers Josef Einarsrud: "Yes, there was a guy named Olaf Kvernbakken who found this. In a thicket on Tvengsberg forest he came across a rough "order bush", where someone had cut out a whole male figure in the wood. There was a rusty nail driven into the heart of the meter-tall shape, and it did not take much imagination to see what someone had been doing there in his time, maybe around the turn of the century. And what do you do to stay so youthful? I am grateful for the existence and take each day as a gift! "(1991 Gjems 50).^[16]

After the hot charge of Northern Europe in the Middle Ages, from ca.1300 it was colder and more humid. Nomadic swidden cultures therefore had to move more often. Some of them found it useful to cultivate rye (juureinen, korpiruis, metsäruis, mätäsruis, talviruis) and turnips in the spruce forest. It took four years, from felling the forest in April (huhtikuussa) to harvesting the rye (Soininen 1959, Heikinheimo 1915).^[17]

This swidden variety ‘huuhta’ developed in the savokarelian forests, provoked by the ergot plague and colder climates in late medieval times. Hunger forced them to experiment until a huuhta technique developed. The fatal ergotism, anton’s fire, which devastated Central and Northern Europe from the migration time through the Middle Ages, may have been incentive to create the huuhta technique in the big woods. These forest swiddeners were less susceptible to ergot than other field users. But there is more about this in the discussion of rye.

It is otherwise clear that the Finns cannot have learned huuhta from the Slavs, and nothing suggests that they may have acquired it from anyone else either. Slavs (Sclaveni, Antes and Venethi) have a different history which can be traced back to the Byzantine sources ca.600 AD (Jordanes, Procopius, and Theophylact). Bulgar kingdom was founded in 681AD, and it contributed to the Christianization of the Slavic world in the next two or three centuries. Agriculture had previously developed here among the Slavs in the fertile soil of rivers and lakes. Scandinavians (Varjager / Vitiazi) and Finns were heavily involved in the creation of the Kiev State in 882 AD. The old swidden noitas became the ruling class with former axmen as tenant farmers (or, if they did not behave, slaves (stradnik)) (Kljuchevsky 1960 186).^[18]

But after the year 1110 AD Kiev rus began to lose their power, and the Nestor chronicle ends here. The leadership moved to Rostov on the upper Volga, and in 1124 AD the Boyar national center and army center moved again to Yaroslavl (Zaliesskaia Oblast, zaliess = beyond the forest) in Opolye (Polsky = on arable land). Until Prince Mstislav's death in the year 1132 AD Kiev managed to withstand the Polovtsi. In the year 1103, the following referred to the population's fate: "In spring, the farmer took the horse to plow when a plovtsin attacked him, and after having stabbed the farmer with his sword, he went to the farmer's farm and killed his wife and children, looted, and set fire to the houses "(1960 Kljuchevsky 192).^[19]

"The barbarians of the plains" also hindered trade routes through Kiev. Kiev`s royal recruited others; Vladimir's eldest son, Boris, ruled in Rostov, while the next son, Gleb, ruled Murom. The move north not only struck fear in the Turks, Tartars, Lechsene and other aggressive peoples (Polovtsi / Kumani), but also provided the north with new nourishment. The Finnish tribes who lived here left a lot of swidden plots, and these were now used by the incoming field users. New plots rising from the good soil of the rivers Oka, Ugra, Volga, and the sea came with the annual swidden. The old communities with their centers, Kostroma, Murom, Yaroslavl, Vladimir, etc. were soon on their feet. At the time of the Mongol attacks it is said that Moscow, Tver, and other cities had both monasteries and royal seats. The Slavic population increased through land cultivation as steadily as the Finnish swiddeners in the woods, but in different ways and at different times. Field cultivation and swidden respond differently to climate variations and other influences. The Finns and Slavs could therefore live in constant fruitful interaction with one another. Finnish people, like finns, estonians, veps, muromani and merya had long lived in the forests of Northeast Russia by the time field-using Russians came from the south. Muromani held to the lower Oka, mery around Periaslavl and Murom, wasps in Bieloe Ozero (Kljuchevsky 1960 204).).^[20]

The forest importance is also reflected in the rusiske language, but not with the same subtleties as in the Finnish (1983 French 15).^[21]

Huuhta cultivation spread between 1500 and 1700 AD. It appears that huuhta originated in the forests northeast of Viborg as early as the 1300's, but the prevalence accelerated only later. The expansion continued in the 1800s and to Twer in Russia, Delaware in North America, and several areas in Siberia. During the rigorous climate deterioration in the so-called "little ice age" 1300 -1850 AD, savokarelian swidden cultivation expanded in all directions, the strongest during the period 1550 - 1700 AD. The large virgin pine forest areas in the north was a niche in possible nourishment.

This expansion of swidden cultivation in Savolax and Karelia went to Sweden, northern Finland, Twer, Ingria, and Estonia. Spruce was not valued as timber such as pine was. It was described as useless, and the authorities in Sweden wanted to encourage spruce consumption. Society would have new taxedcitizens, so the newcomers were stimulated with offers of tax exemption in the beginning. The governmental inducements were not the cause of the expansion, but it definitely helped it along. After the war in the years 1555 to 1557 between the Swedish and Russian troops, the Russians complained that the Finns withdrew eastward and took the land in use, and this continued until the peace of Stolbova 1617. But it probably did not stop there as the political conditions encouraged the Finns to continue moving. In the years 1637 to 1642 many swiddeners emigrated eastward from Karelia to the governorates Twer (Kalinin), aided by the Russian Orthodox Church and the nobility, who wanted new taxpayers. In the spruce forests of Valdai Highlands, Tikhvin and Novgorod were also Finnish swiddeners. This is well documented in the archives of Twer.

The Finnish immigrants to Scandinavia in 15 - 1600's were some of the last swiddeners in Europe. In Scandinavia, they soon came into contact with the field usage culture among villagers, and a mutual cooperation was initiated. Because the forest Finns were specialists in huuhta swidden cultivation, they applied themselves to the best spruce forest areas, but these were often used by the sommerfields farmers as well. In this period of climate deterioration, farmers were forced into an increased utilization of their farms, simultaneously accelerating expansion of swiddeners. The number and size of the swidden had to increase to achieve the same crop as before. This led to an intense use of forests, and what the Finns left behind was what the farmer preferred: walled (olla pühässä) grass growing annual swidden plots (niittu aho).

This collaboration often led to Finnish settlement on the farmers’ sommer place, and forest Finns often had livestock from the village board in the summer. It is also mentioned that the Finns supplied butter both to the village and to the city. Eventually it was not uncommon for the farmer to call on the Finns and swiddeners to make swidden in the forest next to the village.

Shifting cultivation was so complicated that it was not so easy to copy it for a field user in the valley village. Nevertheless, some guys from the valley farms were incorporated into the swidden group, and the Finns were often working on farms in the village. This collaboration increased when timber cutting expanded in the 1800's. The swiddeners working group consisted of many axmen under a leader. Tomas Häkkinen would have had 50 men on his swidden group. It is no wonder that the government looked with suspicion on the newcomers.

Erik Sparre said in 1651 in a complaint written to Queen Christina, ” --- att störste delen af finnarna olofligen och före deras bedrefne Bofwastycken rymt från Finland och, efter det några på skogarna i Gästrikland och Helsingland förskaffat sig öferhetens bref på sina upptagna torpställen, hafva de hemligen till sig dragit en hop med lösa finnar, kanske däribland en hop med förrymda, lagskrifna knektar utan pass och besked"--- that most of the Finns fled from Finland due their criminal behavior and according to some in the forests of Gästrikland and Helsingjaland, got ownership on cleared land. There emerged a secret cluster of unrecorded Finns, perhaps among them a group of discarded, criminal knights without a passport and message" (Nordmann 1888 3).^[22]

In 1665 the bailiff of Solör wrote, ”Skogfinnene hugger likesaavel di bedste som di udygtige Träer til deres Roug og Roesäd: overfarer saa det ganske Land, rotter seg sammed til 20, 30 og mere, saa de ere nu formidabel for Almuen”. Forest Finns cut down both the best and worst trees for their rye and thurnip cultivation; rats gathering in groups of 20-30 or more, invading the whole land and overwhelming the community" (Stat. Ekstraktp. bd.II, s.38, sak58).^[23]

Eilert Sundt who visited the Finnforest, writes, "Til Forskjel fra nordenfjeldske Finner eller Lapperne kaldte äldre Skribenter disse agerdyrkende Nybyggere gjerne ”Skovfinner” eller ”Rugfinner”, og når de omtalte dem, skede det for det meste med megen Ugunst. In a ´Relation about Norges Riges Status in the year 1699´(Budstikken, 4de Aargang 1823 358) it is said about them: ”De ere det allerskadeligste Ukrud for landet, som nogentid nävnes kan- -; have de på mange mile oppbrändt de skjönneste og bedste skove til deres rug- og nepebråder, betjenterne til en ringe profit, men Kongen, landet og innbyggerne til aller störste skade, thi i Ufreds Tider ere de ikke alene de allerstörste Espioner, men og, som de vide alle Gjenveie og Stier i Skovene, saa maa hver fattig Mand frygte sig for deres Overfald, Röven og Tyveri” (Sundt 1850 192).^[24]

Old writers interpreted these field cultivating settlers as "Forestfinns” or “Ryefinns", half referring to them with disfavor. In a 'Relation of Norway's Riges State in the year 1699' it is said: "They are the most harmful beasts for the country. They have burnt many miles of the finest and best forests for their rye and turnip cultivation. They make a profit, but the King, country, and citizens are hurt in the process. They know the forest re-weighing stations and trails so well that in war times, every poor man must fear plunder, robbery, and theft.

The boundaries between the community's forests operated by sightline, or hill to hill, while the Finns used the rivers and lakes to distinguish their potential forest use. This division created problems when timber-logging became a common practice. In 1719 in Norway, a map of the disputed area was drawn to finalize land boundaries.

Dairy or summer mountain agriculture was, in my opinion, practiced during much older times of shifting cultivation. Grass growth on the abandoned swidden plots gave pasturage and hay production for many years after swidden. Such abandoned swidden were pastures for livestock, and they became the basis for dairying. Tacitus implies that the grass beds were not fenced (Tacitus 98 AD July 26).

Germans who needed hay for the cattle in the winter had to keep the cattle at the older abandoned swidden plots in the distant forest, i.e. mountain pastures / chairs -- far away from the swidden quarters in the woods in summer. People who did not keep their swidden fenced developed seats that were used as summer pastures for cattle, while those tribes who kept the swidden fenced focused on mountain farm operations. Where growing conditions varied strongly (north, at the height of the mountains) it was necessary to fence in swidden, but in the Mediterranean this was not necessary. Grass growth was strong enough for both wild and domesticated animals. In Norway, the summer seats for cattle were normal before the Middle Ages, and the Vikings took the customs with them to Iceland. In Finland, the seats did not hold to any significant extent. There were relatively large distances between the various clans. Summer mountain dairying is mentioned in medieval landscape laws in Scandinavia. In the Norwegian mountain areas it still exists, but in the rural lowland it ceased a couple of generations ago, as in Østfold (Iversen 1927 27).^[25]

Down in Europe it can be traced, as in the Danish place names - löse (1922 Aakjär 16).^[26]

Forest Finns were never appropriate in this summer dairying. Abandoned swiddens were always fenced as long as haymaking ensued. This was usually sufficient winter fodder. Hay from swiddens far away was utilized only in hard times. These were usually left to the grazing animals and left for the forests’ own fauna. Shifting cultivation has, as I said, become the most common cultural structure historically (Clark 1945 57-71, Steenberg 1955 65).^[27]

This cultural form requires a large family structure, and thus some form of village. Archaeology has demonstrated a difference in settlement development in Denmark and other Nordic countries in the West European lowlands (Gröngaard Jeppesen 1981 135).^[28]

This difference is clearly visible around 8-900 AD, and is most likely due to the transition to field cultivation, which came later to Denmark than to areas further south. Generally speaking, arable farming has expanded northwards from the Mediterranean to forests in Europe within the last two thousand years before the 1600 AD. Climate fluctuation has a different impact on field cultivation than on shifting cultivation. Shifting cultivation expands as climate decreases, and the so-called "walking village" is activated, while arable farming has little chance of immediate territorial expansion that is detectable archaeologically. Vikings experienced a climate deterioration that led to internal expansion as well as a migration to unused forests both in outskirts and in other European areas where arable farming had already taken over the food production.

Large families or clans wandering in the lush woodlands have continued to be the most common form of life through human history. Axes to fell trees and sickles for harvesting of the grain were the only tools people might bring with them. All other devices were made from materials they found at the site, such as fire stakes of birch, long rods (vanko), and harrows made of spruce tops. The extended family conquered the lush virgin forest, burned and cultivated their carefully selected swidden plots, powered one or a few crops, and then proceeded on to forests they had registered before. In the temperate zone the forest regenerated in the course of a lifetime. So swidden was repeated several times in the same area over the years. But in the tropics the forest floor gradually depleted. It was not only to the moors, as in Northern Europe, but also in the steppe, savannah, prairie, pampas and barren desert in tropical areas where shifting cultivation is the oldest (Clark 1952 91-107).^[29]

Man has always consumed forest, but greed has never threatened as it has now in our modern mechanized "welfare state". Those with enough already are tempted to produce more food than they need. However, overproduction had no supporters as long as off-take did not exist. History shows, however, that enforced or voluntary swidden for those in power or good payers is old business. There is no reason to romanticize ancient times. Today's technical capabilities were not part of that time. But it seems that Europe -- and later, Europeans all over the world -- is in an unfavorable position historically due to aggressions towards other parts the world from the Middle Ages onward.

Remarkably little remains of our ancestors, so our knowledge about these people is very sparse. Hominids are defined as all creatures, living and dead, who are nearer akin to us people currently living than to a living chimp. This was before homo erectus hominids had apelike traits. Homo erectus was probably the first creature who was not afraid of fire, and who was intelligent enough to take fire in his service. They had discovered the benefits of growing food crops in the ashes of forest fires, and therefore used fire to their advantage. So there were some mighty creatures that evolved to lead ahead of animals.

Manipulation of fire, followed by the use of the ax to fell the forest, developed into prehistoric land consumption. These crown creatures were thus also the first who made tools by making use of other tools for this purpose. They must have seemed dauntingly powerful to any other hominid. They were also the first who left behind settlements that archaeologists have been able to decipher. Homo erectus was intelligent enough to spread over large parts of the world. Their antecedents are found in Africa. Swidden culture was an important developer of intelligence. Thus people developed increased ability and willingness to socialize, because the crop was greater with effective collaboration. Use of the tool has played an important role in human development. The great need for axes of the best possible quality led to a recurring activity: finding new and better materials to intensify and refine the production of consumer goods, henceforth creating a commercial product. Stone is the most common raw material. Therefore, flint mines and usable stone deposits have remained vital. Archaeological research calls this stone industry Acheulan after the site Saint Acheul in northern France, where stone axes were found.

The Royal Academy in London in 1797 would not accept that these stone axes could be especially old, but in 1872 they were described as L'Epoque de St. Acheul, and fifty years later, this name was confirmed. The large geographical spread and the immense time span from early prehistory to near modern times make sure that this name is narrow and imprecise. The acheulan axes represent a way of making stone tools, and have a common cultural purpose: swidden cultivation.

The oldest found stone ax comes from Vestturkana in Kenya and is nearly two million years old. Axes were carved, sanded, and polished in different ways depending on the type of stones they were made from. Axes were polished on a harder kind of stone, often a large boulder or bedrock. Several such production sites are found. Here is mentioned a few: Olorgesailie in Kenya, Isimila in Tanzania, Kalambo Falls in Zambia, and Melka Kunturé in Ethiopia. Some commonly used stones were basalt, granite, obsidian, rhyolite, and others that were locally available. In Africa, basalt was common; flint was the most used stone in Western Europe. Even so, soft stone such as soapstone has been used. Langdale Pikes in northwest England is a famous mountain area offering good ax stone, and many other uch places might as well have been mentioned here. Professional craftsmen have developed sophisticated production methods, and the distribution of axes led to an extensive trade. In the early Bronze Age, most copper and bronze was used for the production of axes, although stone axes were still used in most areas. Later, metal versions of many kinds were tested, until iron took over as the main material for axes, plows, and other implements.

An old Estonian folklore legend tells us:

"On the shore of a lake a poor man once chopped a major log off an alder tree. Suddenly the ax jumped off the shaft and sank in the water. The man searched for it on the bottom of the sea with a long branch, and at last he thought that he touched it. He undressed, jumped into the water, and searched on the spot, where he thought he felt the ax, but could not find it. He dovedove several times, searching and exploring on the bottom, but no. Very upset, he went back to the shore and got dressed, while with tears in his eyes, he looked out over the lake where he lost his property. When he was ready, he directed his steps home to get another ax. His master was very rich and very angry. He said, If you have throwen the ax in the lake, then you can cut the logs with your hands, but a stable of wood shall be put up before evening. Or you get not one's interest Grosch of your wages! The man returned to the beach, continued searching, diving many more times, but no. What shall I do? He mourned and sat down on the ground. Now I have no ax and I get no pay! My wife and children will have no food tomorrow, poor them! He had hardly spoken before he heard the sea start to bubble and foam, and he saw an old man with a large gray beard swimming toward the shore. The man was afraid. The old man rose from the water and asked: - Why you are so upset? The woodcutter told of his troubles and complained about his bad luck, but the old man answered: - This I know. But you wait! I shall search for your ax. He disappeared under water but came up with a copper ax in his hand, showed it to the man and asked: - Is this your ax? - No, answered the man. The old man dove another time, and now bringing up a silver ax, he showed it to the woodcutter and asked: - It is this then? - No, the man answered. The third time the gray old man dove and came up with a golden ax. He asks: - Then it must be this one? - No, the man answered. Again the old man dove and now he came up with the man’s real ax. The man reached for it with many thanks. The old man also gave to him the other three axes: that of gold, silver, and that of copper. So the man did his work for the day and in the evening, he told of his fortune to his greedy master. The master was thinking: - You only wait! You did not understand that you should take the precious things which one would give to you. One had to force them on you! - I shall handle my case much better! He loosely put three axes on shafts, went to the lake and began to cut some trees. The ax jumped off the shaft fare and into the sea. He did the same with the second and the third. He walked up and down the beach, wailing and regretting loudly, until the old man of the water showed up and asked why he was grieving. And so the old man dove, coming up loaded with three gold axes and asked: Are these your axes? Yes, they are mine! The answer came very quickly, and the greedy man stretched out his hands to receive the axes. But suddenly the water was boiling up and foam was flying at him, stinging his eyes. At the same time the old man disappeared. The water was suddenly quiet. Not a single wave was moving. The man sat a good long time on the beach, intoxicated with panic. Not a sound - nothing to see! Ashamed and sorry that he lost his three axes he at last went home. During his whole life he never again set foot on the beach” (1945 Grängberg 46).^[30]

The legend is probably so old that it was told before the iron axes came into use. Stone axes have become the stock in many different ways. It was a recurring problem to get them to sit on the shaft. Therefore, many different methods were developed for the different kinds of stone and wood. However, this interesting subject must remain here.

When the first nearly complete hominid skeleton was found in the 1980s, its importance as a forerunner of the modern human being was strengthened. The discovery was made at Lake Turkana in Kenya (Walker 1996).^[31] Hominid material that is found is quite sparse and random. This has provided the opportunity for many different theories about human origins, but we let this lie. In the hypothesis "out of Africa", man is a direct descendant of the upright hominid, which spread from Africa across the world 100,000 years ago. About 12,000 years ago people came from Africa to the Levant. This time period is called the Neolithic (New Stone Age), for they had advanced boat-shaped stone axes (Tattersall 2002).^[32]

Other scientists believe that Homo sapiens came to Europe from Asia or from Africa to other continents. All theories are good, but there are few indications. But if we move north, it can be confirmed that Northern Europe was depopulated during the last glaciation, and that people come back here approximately 10,000 years ago. A common feature of almost all the archaeological investigations of hominids of this period are stone tools in the excavations, and that einkorn, millet, spelled, and wheat were grown. In northern Europe there seems not to have been a permanent, stationary society.

In Tanzania, East Africa in the Great Rift Valley, Olduvai Gorge, 60 km. outside of Nairobi, there have been discoveries of stone tools made by hominids from more than two million years ago to just 15,000 years ago. Here in this volcanic area, a tall 48 km. long gorge reveals the layers of history. In this eroded, steep ravine, the German scientist Wilhelm Kattwinkel nearly lost his life in 1911, when he discovered the many cultural layers. 1931 marked the beginning of Mary and Louis Leakey's research; Richard L. Hay arrived in 1961. Here had been the production of axes. Some of the stone (quartz, basalt, and obsidian) that the axes were made from are not found in this place. This material was taken from the mountains (Ol Esakut and Olorgesailie), ten kilometers away. It has been found in some areas where the axes were made and other sites where used axes were repaired. This ax factory is now a monument under the Olduvai Gorge Museum. Over one million years, people have flocked here to get new axes and to polish the old and still usable. Olduvai has given name to the theory that the industrial civilization has a lifetime of 100 years (1930-2030). Settlements have always pulsed with periods of use between barren intervals. When reasonable distances of forest were used up, the clan moved to new forest to burn. But when the new forest generation had grown back, people could return and burn once more.

At Tsodilo Hills in Botswana, archeologist Sheila Coulson of the Institute of Archaeology, Conservation, and Historical Studies at the University of Oslo conducted a survey in the summer of 2006 together with the Universities of Tromsø and Botswana, Gaborone. This is the only hill for several hundred miles. They are on the UNESCO’s protection list with their 1500-year-old cave paintings. In a small cave on the north of the Tsodilo Hills is a large stone block. It is six feet long and two meters high and covered by a number of indentations. This resembles the skin of a python. The three to four hundred indentations get the stone to look like a snake in the incident light in the cave. During the excavation, archaeologists found 13,000 artifacts, stone fragments, and tools that were used to make indentations. These tools were more than 70,000 years old. Agglomerates that the objects were made from are not to be found in Tsodilo. Stone Age people had to pick them up to several hundred kilometers away. No traces of settlement were found at this location, but it must have remained well known and used by organized, intelligent people for nearly 100,000 years. Sheila's speculation about the ritual actions, which must have taken place here on this holy site, is of interest. But her presentation contradicts in no way a practical explanation; it is likely that the python was the necessary grindstone to obtaining the correct shapes of axes and other stone tools. The many findings at the workshop are scraps and fragments, which never got further than the rubbish dump at the production site. (Apollon 4, 2006).^[33]

These stone tools are found throughout Africa, West Asia, Central Asia, and elsewhere. Our ancestors moved further than previously believed. Acheulan axes existed in the Middle East a million years ago, but in Europe they seem to be about half as old. Later the modern swidden cultivation man began to conquer Europe. This occurred during cold periods, which required extensive use of forest areas in order to achieve the same amount of food as before climate deterioration. People came from the southeast, and they expanded so rapidly that the food supply could hardly keep up. The so-called saucer pits in removable blocks and on the bare rock is the memorial for these swidden cultures. These are the pits where the polishing of axes took place. Neanderthal had to shy away from homo sapiens, who visited the lush European forests, where they were superior to the users by means of polished stone axes and fire. But both had stone axes, so more knowledge about the Neanderthal disappearance 28,000 years ago may be traced in the future investigation of swidden culture.

We know little about human development, but many species have died out. In 1997 there was a discovery in Ethiopia 230 km northeast of Addis Ababa. The fossils of hominids that were found could be dated quite accurately to between 160 and 154 thousand years old, and the site was nearly covered with stone tools. Scientists have differing opinions, but it is pretty much agreed that man, homo sapiens, originated in Africa and came to Europe 35,000 to 70,000 years ago. The time difference plays no role in our context. In relation to the history of hominids - let's say five million years - this is a short episode.

The long line illustrates hominids era (5 million years), while the short is the homo sapien era (50,000 years).

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A few years ago, in the Blombos caves in Southern Cape in South Africa the archaeologist Christopher Henshilwood found 70,000 year old traces of habitation. Later, other archaeologists presented similar African findings. One of them ought to be mentioned, however: on the 17th of December in 1992, the Japanese anthropologist Gen Suwa found the fossils of seventeen small, one meter tall creatures in the Ethiopian desert not far from Adis Ababa. He discovered a set of teeth sticking out of the volcanic gravel. The following year, pieces of skulls, a jaw, elbows and arms were found. This showed that it could not be a pygmeape, but more a human being in question, and that it lived six million years ago. The enamel on the teeth suggests that the diet of vegetables and crops was sufficient on the then-wooded plains.

In March 1994, human-like bones were discovered in some caves in Asturias, Spain. ^[34]

It turns out that these were the Neanderthals who lived 34,000 years ago. From 45,000 to 30,000 years ago humans spread from Africa through the Middle East westward to Europe. This was a period of climate depletion and Neanderthals were decimated, some of them forced south to the Mediterranean. Maybe they had a different life than the newcomers. Swiddeners from Africa expanded in the same period, and remaining in the same areas. They had probably exploited different niches in the resources, and Neanderthal way of life must have suffered. Bone remains in Asturia caves show that they were crushed and scraped. This may have been due to cannibalism.

Swidden cultivators put more forests in use in order to grow sufficient food and expand so quickly. Neanderthal social units may have been small in relation to the major swiddeners, which grew faster than before, promoting its cultural innovations. Human expansion remained practical and peaceful. There is no reason to suggest violent extermination of Neanderthal. Found in the same caves were red-painted handprints from people. Pigment analyzations have dated them to be between 20,300 and 19,500 years old.

Scandinavian research has concentrated on studying the field of agriculture through the history of the plow and its historical development as a central theme. The first major international congress on the plow was held in Copenhagen in 1954. An international secretariat for the study of plowing implements was established, the International Secretariat for Research on the History of Agricultural Implements. Sigurd Erixon was president. In 1968 the journal "Tools and tillage" started in Copenhagen by Axel Steensberg and Alexander Fenton, and the theme's title was changed to Agrarian and Food Technology. Already in 1943 Steensberg had included tree felling experiments with the stone ax in his doctoral thesis, and in the 1950's he had worked in the similar Draved experiments together with Johs. Iversen, Kustaa Vilkuna, and J.Troels Smith. All this led to the establishment of the Historical Archaeological Research Center in Lejre in 1964 with Hans Ole Hansen as chairman. They discovered here that plowing implement history was not consistent with agricultural history. In Draved it was proven by experiments that it is possible to fell trees with a stone ax; it simply required more time and more skill. But this killing of trees was not so time consuming as many had previously thought. Polished smooth axes were far more effective than those with uneven surfaces (Clark 1945 68).^[35] They worked like beavers’ teeth, and also have the same form.

Napus or beets are much older crops in the Nordic countries than rye, and turnip (lanttu) is a modern mutation (Ahokas 2004). ^[36]

The people of Ultima Thule grew root vegetables (napus), writes Pytheas ca. 330 BC. When Tacitus describes "agrestia poma" (field fruits) to the Germans, it is napus (Tacitus 23), and this also applies to "fruges" that must be stored in underground caverns to avoid freezing (Tacitus 16).

Many of the napus variants are found as weeds up in northern Scandinavia, and they are old, hardy, and good food crops. They were common when the rye came into use, and they were often planted together with rye (Hyltén-Cavallius 1942 102-108). ^[37]

Rye did not grow wild like weeds in the Nordic countries. It probably came to North East Europe as impurities in emmerwheat (farro) and partly in einkorn and outs, and are processed and domesticated through the years here in the north (Ahokas 2009 19). ^[38]

Emmerwheat seeds have the ability to drill down into the soil by means of fluctuation in day and night temperature and humidity. It does well even when it is sown on swidden plots. The colder climate in the north led to a refinement of the grain. The best and biggest seeds took care of the plant family's further processing. From 3400 BC onwards there is a marked increase in the cultivation of emmerwheat, and with this the rye was also gradually refined and domesticated. Rye and emmerwheat have many similarities, but rye has longer straws.

The rye had priority as a food producer in several places at different times. Dried rye that has been treated by being shaken and beaten out of the grain bundles has been preferred for use as a sowing seed through the ages. This attentive selection of the best seeds, and reconnaissance exchange of three seeds by traveling young men each time they met led to the effective development and spread of rye. Export of rye seed has therefore remained important. Juureinen rye in large quantities was exported from Viborg / Huhtala the 1300's (Ahokas 2009 54). ^[39]

There are a number of variations and many names; busk rug / rot rug / vinter rug, bush rye / root rye / winter rye.

Rålamb 1690 describes the quality of finnish rye (Ahokas 2009 56):^[40] "But what the same concerns / one must be aware of good rye / of which no better can be than that which we get from Finland / that is far better / than we can get through our own drying riihi. The reason is that we put the rye up in stack on the field / there it stands for a long time / until it is taken into the drying riihi / but the finnish custom is to bring it as soon as possible after it is cut / into the drying riihi or storage; Nothing useful comes from this bad custom / so then our riihi rye fares better than our storage rye / although it is not coming up to the Finnish quality".

Rye sod in the herb garden at Domkirkeodden Hamar, autumn 1988. Growth continued in the warm periods during the winter. Note the box of matches in the bottom left. Photo: Per Martin Tvengsberg In the Finnforest it was common to sow rye and beet together. Beets were harvested the same year, thus there is room enough for rye sods to continued growth next summer. Beets (nauris) were stored in a frost-free hollow in the ground and later in the underground cellar. But when the new American growth, the potato, came in the second half of the 1700, this took over the peace and also much of rye’s role.

Rye originates from western Asia's natural flora, like several other grains. The relationship between wild and old cultures of rye species and respective origin and distribution patterns is partially identified by genetic, ecological, archaeological and geographical growth methods (Zohary 1971 253-258). ^[41]

Cultivation of rye is much younger than that of wheat and barley. Rye has a great variety of closely related species, weed species, half cultivated species, and domesticated species. The relationships between these and wild weed species are assessed. Rye culture evolved in mountain Altai / Anatolia and in the Nordic countries, where other cereals do not fare so well (Ahokas 2009 9). ^[42]

The mummified Tollund Man, found in a marsh west of Silkeborg in Denmark in 1950, had a belly full of such ergot-infected rye that he died ca. 400 BC. During excavations at Soontagana stronghold, Pärnumaa in Estonia, there were discoveries of charred rye older than ca.1220 (Lepajõe 1974). ^[43] This was apparently perennual winter rye with small grains on the long straws. In 1875 the so-called "rye-count" on Sangaste in South Estonia initiated his attempts. He developed gradually, with crossing, a special rye that gave good crop on its own landscaped swidden on marshland. Sangasterye is mainly probsteirye x forestrye and was dominant in Estonia until approximately 1960. This rye tolerated winter cold well and had to have a cold period during winter. But a few degrees of frost in the spring could crack the germination ability altogether. Winter safety occurs in the fall when growth is slow and rye is transitioning from active growth to the resting period. Plants in idle have no growth and no photosynthesis. In this inactive resting period, a physiological and biochemical complex process is still going on, which is absolutely necessary for the second growing season of the rye to be fruitful.

Rye has a number of other characteristics differing from the other, older grains. It tolerates (and can require) colder climate than other grains, and it was therefore growing higher up in the mountains and further north. Rye is cross-pollinating in contrast to wheat and barley, both of which are nearly self-pollinating, as are oats. Rye is not necessarily interfertile among wild, weed, and cultivated varieties. Today's rye consists of two types: one-year cultivated rye (Secale cereals) and the two-year wild (Secale montanum). The one-year interfertile cereal varieties are cultivated plants, while two-year montanum sort are common weeds in old growth areas (Korsmo 1925 2). ^[44]

These two rye types are not only ecologically different; they also show a structure of barriers to reproduction. Cereal and montanum do not have identical chromosomes. F1 hybrids have a chain of six chromosomes in meiosis, i.e. some genetic sterility is present for hybrid varieties of cereals x montanum hybrids. Despite the difference, cereal and montanum have close morphological similarities. F1 hybrids are still semifertile and have normal chromosomes in meiosis. Nevertheless, cereals and montanum species are still linked in nature due to extensive hybridization (Zohary 1971 254). ^[45]

All montanum species are biennial and interfertile and have the same chromosomes and brittle, fragile ears. They are most common in Armenia and Anatolia, forming massive habitats on uncultivated land. Secale montanum make up much of the vegetation on the steppe and steppe-like formations and colonize field edges and roadsides. Wild rye and weed species are ancestors of cultivated rye (Vavilov 1917 561-590), ^[46] and weed rye is the direct source of cultural rye. Rye is a young crop (Helback 1971 265)^[47] which appears relatively late in the archaeological material. The one-year cultural rye, Secale cereals, is perhaps derived from the two-year Secale montanum (Khush Stebbins 1961 730). ^[48]

The fact that all species of wild cereals are either weeds in the field or occur close to arable land would suggest that they are relatively young species. They probably evolved after east Asian agriculture had already started. If this is correct, weed species of rye spread northward with the cultivation of wheat and barley in Neolithic times. The spread began when the Armenian - Anatolian highland was colonized. Secale montanum has a dominant position there, but it does not exist in the Nordic countries.

Shaded field marks the high concentration of huuhta - names such as. Huhtamäki. Dotted field indicates large number of vuoma - names such as. Kattuvuoma. In marginal areas of cultivation are such svedje-name terms forming. It is rare enough not to be confused with the nearest similar name.

If the wild precursors of Secale cereale (one year rye) are Secale montanum (two year rye / winter rye), one may question why the genetic differences between various species of winter rye and the human-influenced culture species are larger than those of the other, much older domesticated grains. Why does the estimated Secale montanum have greater variation in chromosomes than Secale cereale, two translocations, and why are cereale x montanum F1 hybrids semi-sterile? In wheat, barley, and oats, each pair of wild and culture species with respect to chromosomes is fully inter-fertile. The pollination system in rye and the divisive relationship between cereale and montanum also requires an explanation. The probable precursor of weed and culture cereale complex is the two-year Secale montanum. The site for the development of cereale complex can be the central area for Secale montanum; Armenia and Anatolia (Zohary 1971 257). ^[49]

However, a similar trend has probably happened with wild rye, which has been following other cereals as contamination in other cereals expanding into northern Europe. Wild and primitive species should be examined more carefully. Chromosome pairs and the recombination process between wild rye and culture rye is especially interesting. Fertilization biology is more complex than previously thought, but this can be studied, if not already done so. The wild and primitive species and swidden rye have better qualitative grain protein than current culture rye (Kranz 1973).^[50]

They have a larger proportion of soluble fiber and contain less gluten. Swidden rye has a greater variety of flavors as well as a medicinal effect, such as strengthening of the immune system and slowing down allergies (confer to Oralmat). The Finns assume that it also has a positive effect against prostate cancer. It appears that the rye was domesticated in several places independently and at different times. Development of culture rye has occurred in the colder climate in northern Europe, and similar processes have taken place in mountainous areas in the South - Eastern Europe, Northern Caucasus and Central - Asia (Khush 1963 60-71).^[51]

The oldest rye pollen in Finland is dated 2170 BC (Ahokas 2009 20). Rye is found in archaeological emmerhweat from before 500 AD. Emmerhweat is similar to rye with its two-year growth and it increased with the lighter summer here in the north. But the more hardy rye eventually took over and was refined and preferred as a food crop. Diseases can also have decimated wheat in favor of rye, and emmerhweat was less in use than rye before the Viking Age. Drying of rye in open air, followed by further drying and sterilization of fungi and other vermin in the shaking of grain band for threshing on the floor, boasts the best seed out at shaking. Finnish juureinen was favored far beyond Finland's borders in the Middle Ages. It was considered to be twice as effective, and therefore, the double charge.

In 1757, Johan David Cneiff writes on how agriculture can be supported in Ostrobothnia (Ahokas 2009 44): "It is known that the so called Wasa-Rye, which to a greater extent was bought by other places in Ostrobothnia, is all over Sweden simply accounted for as Seed-Rye, and with its long and thick seeds creates the very best harvest. For the weight it is the most heavy Rye with the largest kernels and Swedish Rye that have been sown, and have been judged with the ordinary Seed-Rye, which have been grown in the same places. Though I do not fear that I should be accused of an unreasonable Proposal, one ought to sow not more than a half Barrel on a completely Barrellands field, which also comes in one and the same field sowing a whole Barrel Swedish Rye, as usual. It is proven that in Östergötland, after a Barrel of sowed Rye on two Barrellands field of real Finnish Rye, so kallad Hållola / heller and b ig and fertil Wasa / Rye, has harvested on good drained soil. From the mentioned Finnish places, more than 30-40 barrels of strife and good Rye ought to be changed in the third generation if possible. "

Rye has a fungus - "enemy", Claviceps purpurea; antonild, meldröye, mutterkorn (nut grains), hungerkorn (grain famine), bockhorn, enspore (hahn track), rukkitungal, tungaltera, tungalpea, nõgitera, nõgipea and ergot among the many names. These fungi produce toxic alkaloids, among several other ergotamine. I cannot explain this better than the lecturer Harry Svensson, (parentheses are mine):

"At this known fungus, Claviceps purpurea, endurance values (spores), sclerotia (spore packs) and askospores (fungal spores in fruit body / stroma) is performing the spread. When the Rye blossoms - Claviceps is a parasite on the plants, but attacking other grasses - infekterar askosporerna fruktämnena, arbitrary genomdragas of the sponge hyphae (contiguous cells) and and soon turns to a personal testimony, soft fårad myceliemassa (network cells). In fårorna gonna sit konidiebärare hopade, and and they secrete Otro mängder of oval, genome skin league endurance values. The bakas in a sweet taste duck vätska, "honneydew," which simultaneously fluids and and drop down från Axén. It now has beskrivna konidiestadiet tidigare, when the sponge utvecklingshistoria Icke was utredd, beskrivits under the name Sphacelia segetum (ergot). Lockade the Cute vätskan visits flugor and other insects they infekterade blommorna och able därigenom contributions till konidiernas spridning that också in någon Mondays can förmedlas of rain ock wind. So småningom upphör emellertid konidieavsöndringen, they hittills soft myceliekropparna converted till hornartade sclerotia, which ytan är svartvioletta but inuti consists of a vit parenkymliknande mycelievävnad. As the deras tillväxt progress wheel as long skjuta Inferential bortåt out an inch or more clocks småaxen, in the top of sklerotierna konidiebildningen Langst was continued, but the evening smooth torka Sphacelia-Aven dar hyferna ihop och pictures when it looked kallade mössan. It är Dessa sclerotia, which go under the name mjöldrygor. When Fard Raag är att skördas have emellertid maange mjöldrygor Redan lossnat och Bankruptcy down on the ground, the dar Mylla down and and spend the winter. If the humidity är tillräcklig and and the ej be alltför deep nedbäddade, "heal" the Nasta spring, the wild saga från it hard sklerotievävnaden utvecklas maange small fruit bodies or riktigare stromautskott, which consist of a sterile, rödgult shafts and and a klotrunt, mörkrött huvud with flasklika perithecier (small round containers with spores, which escape through the ostiole - "hole" in the fullness of time) in the outer insänkta vävnadsskiktet. Huvudena now night and and jämnt flavored ground ytan. Was and and one of the eight cylindrical sporsäckarna pictures trådformiga askosporer. Dessa matured broad Raag time for flower research, Sprider with the wind till rågblommornas field (scar), Dar easily Fxd och åstadkomma a infektion "(Svensson 1934). ^[52]

Since ergot is much more common in rye than other grains, it has probably followed with rye and started on others. It is clear that not everyone has had "clean hands." This fateful disease has had many names, among them Ergotism and antonild. It is quite well-documented: in the Rhine Valley of France, over 40,000 died between 857 and 944 AD. In 1039 the epidemic broke out again here. King Magnus II Sigurdson died in 1069 of ergotism at only 21 years old. He was probably infected abroad. The list goes on. The disease brought boils on the skin. Fingers, arms, and legs often needed to be amputated. The body withered away, and nervous twitching, diarrhea, hallucinations, and madness led up to death. The sick were punished by God or cursed, it was thought. Whole communities died out, so it improved somewhat throughout the Middle Ages. But when the bubonic plague (Yersinia pestis) attacked between 1348 and 1350, it was more dreadful than ever in Northern Europe. It was a cold, damp summer, and ergotism flourished simultaneously with the plague. Highly contagious, it broke out in England in the summer of 1355, and in 1372, the same happened in Germany. This situation helped to provoke huuhta shifting cultivation. The swiddeners who were "far away in the spruce forest" were least affected by mortality, and this was of course identified in the present time. The swiddeners moved often, and in addition they sterilized their cultivation fields every time they were burned. They also carefully cut the grass on the nearest abandoned swidden fields, allowing cows to graze grass further away from the harvestable grass fields. The worse the climate, the further away they had to obtain winter fodder. In this environment it was difficult for ergot to gain entry. Huuhta was the mighty protection in these lush pine forests, but it does not preclude warfare and other things could also push people away.

This word has a semantic context similar to ergotism symptoms; Huutaa = scream about it / scream / high (hüüda, hõikama, hõigata, karjuma). Huuhaa = losing your mind / crazy / fuzzy case (peast põrunud, segane asi). Huhtoa = gesticulate / striving hard (vehkida, rabelda, rassida). Huhta = field in use (ale maa). Huhtikuu = april (jürikuu). Huhtasien = morel mushrooms. Huuhta - swidden boomed as a result of ergotism attacks in general.

Natural forest fires caused by lightning strikes were the causes of the first clearing in the woods. It offered the opportunity for shifting cultivation. Thus, homo erectus was provoked to manipulate fire. And those who had first succeeded in controlling the fire were superior beings who got the most opportunities to develop further. There is reason to characterize man as the creature who mastered fire. That fire is caused by lightning is the exception rather than the rule. In 90 of 100 cases, fire is man's work, with or without their will. In contrast to some researchers' opinion, the fire must be classified as an anthropogenic factor of great importance (Stewart 1956 125). ^[53]

What we know about the grassy plains and barren deserts in subtropical and tropical areas supported the theory that they are man-made by fire. Assumption that humans have used fire in their service since very far back in time is strongly supported by several research fields (Stewart 1956 129).^[54]

The first cultivation of food crops probably stayed in sloping forested terrain. There is excess water, good drainage, and adequate water supply as dew collected during the hot summer nights. Here the forest fields were in a V-shape, with the top at the top of the hill and the base line leading down to the water or swamp bottom. After drying, the land was burned, therefore cleared of weed seeds and diseases. The cultivation of food crops was followed by a period of grass growth, before the forest took the fall back, often as a change in forest type with other woods.

Charcoal from forest fires together with pollen from cultivated plants is preserved in deposits in the sediment in stagnant lakes. This reveals the history of fire and therefore of human history (Patterson 1987 3-23). ^[55]

It is the readable layers of pollen and charcoal in these sediments which provide a picture of the vegetation development. Such studies have shown that there was a marked increase in prevalence in food crops in South Scandinavia in the period from 200 BC to 400 AD and also from 750 AD to 1000 AD. (Berglund 2002). ^[56]

Charcoal and pollen are well preserved under such stable conditions, thus can be used as a source of information about past cultivation. A number of studies have developed many theories about whether human agriculture may have affected the natural vegetation. Johs Iversen (Iversen 1934 341-356, 1941 68) ^[57] was the first to observe the relationship between an increase in coal layers and the decline in the amount of pollen from oak and pine.

This discovery led him into the idea that fire was used to remove the forest. And because the fire appeared in the hard flammable foliage, he assumed that the fire was caused by human activity. From this he developed his highly debated Landnam hypothesis. When he found the same vegetation change at three different locations (Iversen 1949 1-25),)^[58] he concluded that such a correlation could only draw from one and the same cause. Landnam could not take place simultaneously at completely different places if it was not a common practice among the people. He presented (Iversen 1952 62-103) pollen and charcoal –- a chart from West Greenland that supported the hypothesis -- while he made a series of experiments in collaboration with archaeologists to prove that early humans could have affected the vegetation in the ways he suggested (Iversen 1956 36-41).)^[59]

Iversen also gave a convincing pollen / charcoal study in the Draved forest on the southwest Jutland (Iversen 1964 59-70, Steenberg 1979). ^[60] Now, pollen / charcoal studies and vegetation history is obtained using new methods, such as C 14 and thermoluminescence, and human activity can therefore be studied further back in the time than before.

Archaeological surveys in Denmark have shown that the villages have the area marked by a fence from the start, even though development inside this fence was over a long time and in several stages, before the area was fully utilized (Jensen 1979 193). ^[61]

This strengthens the hypothesis that the village is on the old swidden with a fence around it. The clan chose the abandoned swidden as a new settlement. The researchers say that it looks as if "the village's scope has already been staying at the planned settlement." It has not been able to follow most of the existing villages further back than ca.1000 - 1200 AD. This is due probably to the village’s existence at this location. Before this time, they were "walk-villages".

The research considers it a serious lack of source material that is almost completely missing from ca.400 AD to the Viking Age. During this period, with a warmer climate, the move left few traces, too difficult for our time's researchers to draw many conclusions from. Shifting cultivation is the reason for the move of Iron Age villages. Access to forest adjudged frequency and extent of the move. Through the transition to agriculture, the villages remained in the same places. Preparation and improvement of the same piece of land became the dominant cultural shape.

In Denmark, the establishment of villages during the Viking Age’s harsh climate was so extensive that few settlements we know of today existed much further back than the late Viking and early Medieval ages. This is proven on Fyn, including by thermoluminescence-dating.

In Northwest Germany and Holland there was no expansion in the same period. The tendency in those areas was rather the opposite, according to archaeological investigations. The villages there can be traced further back than in Denmark.

After the Viking era arable farming took over food production in Denmark, and shifting cultivation disappeared. This resulted in a firmer division of the area, a parish-structure. And in the aftermath of this new agricultural age, supplied goods followed the formation and development of the nobility and class society as we know it from the written sources.

In Norway, some population groups held to their landscape, such as Heidmork and Raumariki. The single economic unit, extended family or clan, has again had its territory, which were often separated from others by rivers, mountains or other natural boundaries. Within its area ran a mobile cultivation and livestock breeding.

In the north, grass production was more important than grain, and grass growth inside the swidden led to the domestication of the reindeer. The reindeer could be tempted, and it encroached on the grass field (vuoma) increasing ca.800 to 1000 AD.

The chief of Troms spoke about this when he came to England: "Ottar was very rich on the property and that was their fortune, the wild animals. He dispensed, when he came to the King, 600 unsold tame reindeer. These are very valuable for the Saami, because they used them for catching wild reindeer "(Ross 1940 21). ^[62]

When shifting cultivation in the Nordic region decreased and the processing of the soil with plow and harrow took over in late Viking Age and Middle Ages, the swidden clan, the extended family, split up. Now there were smaller units, the family. Families established themselves and the number of farms increased greatly. Abandoned swidden plots were new entrants, and the old terms of shifting cultivation was declared a type of farm.

In Eastern Norway - Rud farms became a large group. Farm names can be divided into three groups: in the oldest group's name with the extensions - farm - land, - wine, - um - hem - hvam, - kvam - ing (s), - le / öv - löse / a, - vin, - set and sta / ed before the Viking Age.

In the other group name - by - torp - toft, - böl is from the Viking Age.

In the third group are names with extensions - rud, - holt - tvet and similar forest and clearing names from the Middle Ages. Eastern Norway had many rud-farms. "When dwellings were permanent, in other words, they went on to become farms. They have from the outset consisted not only of cultivated land and homestead, but also of the "adjacent delights," which in medieval legal language was often described as "lunnendi" or less frequently, as "good, umbota and àfang" (Hougen 1947 96). ^[63] " With theim gögnum ok lunnendum sem thar eigu that lie "says the Diplomatarium Norvegicum. II, 55 Clearing of arable land led to the introduction of property rights. The soil piece belonged from now on to the family; an individual title came later. User rights to common lands, erämark that were previously reserved for great men klanhövdinger, were transferred to the farmers in the Middle Ages (Rynning 1934 59). ^[64]

This was a natural consequence of the transition from shifting cultivation with large units / clans to field use with smaller family units.

How the domestication of animals occurred has been a large headache in the spectrum of cultural history research. It has been necessary to establish a chronological framework that various forms of herding and other activities in the taiga / tundra people would fit into in order to progress in this research on domestic animal history. Many different theories about the origins of reindeer husbandry are presented through the years, and I venture to come up with another: there was never a particular starting point, but a gradual spread. Different variants of pastoralism arose independently at different times in different places. The reason for the rise is in relation to the swidden procedure. The domestication of animals evolved as a result of the cultivation of human food crops which are also suitable for animals. The human endurance in a selected habitat depends on ecological balance; otherwise, dominant factors will move or destroy the habitat, which means that people either change their ways or move. Domestication of animals naturally slows moving, and largely eliminates the desire for migration (Darling 1956 778). ^[65]

Domestication of the reindeer and the development of various forms of husbandry has made it possible to inhabit demanding areas without the necessity of good farming opportunities or conditions. Here, people have survived on animal products like meat, milk, leather etc. But as long as the forest was available, an abandoned swidden (vuomen) produced a good grass growth. As these plots were fenced in, they were used as grazing plots or for hay production. There were eventually so many annual swidden plots that domestication nearly ceased. Wild animals broke through the fence to find food, thus becoming accustomed to humans and making themselves vulnerable to human capture. During periods of decreased climate, the influx of hungry wild animals increased because of limited natural food supply. Shifting cultivation became a natural course of the domestication of animals, and subsequent animal husbandry was an obvious result. The good grass production after swidden, before the forest took the area back, was the prerequisite for the domestication of reindeer herds in northern Eurasia (Jettmar 1952 737-766). ^[66] Perhaps it is not surprising that the skåne people (Scanians) and the Saami are close relatives, according to DNA studies.

Saami calls the fencing of the reindeer and hunting facility for wild reindeer vuomen or gardde. The words are also found in old Norwegian, vômb / hvammer or gardr. Hvammer is abandoned swidden (Fritzner 1863 302), ^[67] and gardr is inhabited hvammer. Hvammer was in the Viking Age a name for a grass grown area. The saga speaks of a habitable hvammer.

The clan leader Ottar from the North of Norway had domesticated reindeer (Alfred the Great did Orosius' Historiarum -- processed and translated into Old English around 900 AD). Eyvind Finnsson from southern Hålogaland said in 900 AD that due to the cold, one "must keep his goats indoors in the summer, such as Saami" (Jönsson 1912 to 1915). ^[68]

Later in the Middle Ages, tame reindeer nearly disappeared. This is due to less mobility in swidden cultivation under the climatic improvement. There were less abandoned swidden plots, vuoma, and better natural supply of food for the wild animals. But under the "little ice age" the domestication increased, because the number of vuoma again rose. Domestication of reindeer has consequently remained in direct interaction with the active swidden cultivation. Likewise, one can generally that shifting cultivation is a prerequisite for the domestication of animals.

 You can see a film of the procedure here http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0S7LTbJ-ErQ

Shifting cultivation has historically been the backbone of human food supply. This has strong traces of cultural history, and it has changed the vegetation and thus the landscape of a long-term ecological rotation with the natural environment. Shifting cultivation utilizes marginal areas that do not interest today’s mechanized economies. As long as a swiddener clan can cultivate in moderation, their rotation will fit seamlessly into the ecological cycle of the natural environment. However, there are devastating ecological consequences if land is overused. European commercial economies have over the last 500 years displaced the local population in the so-called "third world".

The European landscape was dominated by forest before people took it into use. The forest floor had sparse vegetation on the rich organic biomass, which was composed of semi-degraded stored crop residues. Mites and amounts of other microorganisms are needed to break down this organic material and convert it to nitrogen and other nutrients for plants and other living organisms. This process may sound nearest to you if you put your ear to the ground after a burning. When forests are burned, the ashes and the rain make alkaline lye, which neutralizes the acidic humus layer below. Suddenly, the microorganisms have far more favorable living conditions than they had in the cold acidic ground, and they reproduce explosively in the warm earth.

With the contemporary grain there was a far higher yield than we could ever dream of now. Such a resource base is hardly well-preserved anywhere today; it has long been exhausted. Stationary shifting cultures all had their origins in fertile agriculture, and now they are almost all exploited humus reserves. Their destruction has usually resulted in the impoverishment of the soil, and the trigger was often war. Today's chemical and genetic engineering of food crops is far more serious; quantity rather than quality is, unfortunately, the current goal. No chemicals have ever been able to live life without the help of life itself, which alone shall be responsible for this process (Pommeresche, Soil, No. 2). ^[69]

The first part of swidden procedure was to select the most appropriate area of the forest. This was such a significant step that young men were specially trained before they were sent out to select the best grove. The biggest trees had a ring of bark that peeled off as they dried.

When the right time came they had to cut the forest and/or provide windfall by means of various sophisticated techniques. The ax was the only tool they used. The cut trees would cover the ground smoothly, and the fall was left to dry. Cutting off the largest branches meant for accelerated drying. The season of burning was determined by the crop's sowing culture and geographical location.

Burning occurred after a drying period, but before the rain came, and on a day with suitable wind. When noita / shaman had decided the day, he chose material from the fall and lit a "sacred" flame. If it was burning well, it was a signs that the time had come, but burned if it badly, it was a signal that one should wait. This test could save the clan from making fatal errors. This small fire was connected with the powers. The fire here was later used by the ignition of the fall, and it was believed that the fire should extinguish without human help. The whole clan was helping at the ignition; this had to happen synchronously. The fall had to burn from the edges toward the center. This meant that they fired over a sloping fall long before it lit on the sides and finally the bottom, with wind and humidity taken into account. Noita conducted the ignition with an authoritative voice, after he had checked the edges of the surrounding forests to prevent forest fires. A typical Finnish way was to walk backwards and counter-clockwise three times around the fall (Lönnrot 2002 110)^[70] and the recitation aloud, "Polta kivet,polta kannot, heitta mina musta mulda ', Burn, stones, burning stumps, bring me black soil.

But it happened that the occasional "tull ball/silly ball" caused forest fires (tulipalu). The thick smoke from the fall generated rain, it was said. Rain Powers observed the smoke, and they took it as a signal that people were now nearly ready to receive the rain. The fall was set on fire so that it burned slowly and completely, and the fire would spread down the hill and against the wind and inward from the edges toward the center of the fall. It was a slow burning at low temperature, 200 degrees, leaving the coveted black aska. At a warmer 400 degrees, the more intense burning produced white ash. It shows that all organic material is burned. White areas after burning should be avoided. A layer of black ash and coal pieces also contributed to higher temperature in the sunshine, approximately 20 degrees higher than in the shade. This was a great advantage for germination, and led to a faster decomposition of the organic material.

Although every precaution was taken, not all of the wooden material burned completely. The biggest black logs were used as a fence around the fall. Where the trees were just straight, the fence was notched up in zigzag form. Rice and twigs were used for the fence where gnarled deciduous forest was burnt. Fencing was required for protection against grazing animals.

Sowing took place in the hot ashes, providing a rapid germination, when the rain came soon after sowing. Seeds that fell on the stone were swept into the ashes. The timing of the firing was very important. A weather forecast was therefore conducted through various sophisticated procedures. The pendulum was a common tool (Hamilton 1986 53). ^[71]

There have been studies of the entrails of fresh-slaughtered animals as part of traditional ceremonies (rain dance) with the entire clan present and other "primitive" practices.

Shifting cultivation has completely different characteristics than agriculture. The cultivated area was the biggest variable factor in shifting cultivation. This has confused many explanatory models in research on agriculture. Decreasing yields by harder climate was compensated for with a corresponding increase of the area. In the opposite case, when the climate improved, one could afford to svedje a smaller area. This relationship between swidden size/number and climate change is often misinterpreted or ignored in the research. Climate change has always had a direct effect on shifting cultivation.

In Southern Europe Mediterranean climates, the forest at that time, immemorial for the most part, was open evergreen leaves and pine forests. After svedjing this forest had less capacity for regeneration than the forest north of the Alps.

In Northern Europe, there was usually only one crop harvested before grass growth took over, while in the south, suitable fall was used for several years and the soil was quickly exhausted. Shifting cultivation therefore ceased much earlier in the south than the north.

Most of the forests in the Mediterranean had disappeared by classical times. The classical authors wrote about the great forests (Semple 1931 261-296).^[72]

Homer writes of wooded Samoth Race, Zacynthos, Sicily and other wooded land (Homer Iliad, XIII, XIV ---- 0.1 to 2). The authors give us the general impression that the Mediterranean countries had more forest than now, but that it had already lost much forest, and that it was left there in the mountains (Darby 1956 186).^[73]

It is clear that Europe remained wooded, and not only in the north. However, during the Roman Iron Age and early Viking Age, forest areas drastically reduced in Northern Europe, and settlements were regularly moved. There is no good explanation for this mobility, and the transition to stable settlements from the late Viking period, as well as the transition from shifting cultivation to stationary use of arable land. At the same time plows appears as a new group of implements were found both in graves and in depots. It can be confirmed that early agricultural people preferred forest of good quality in the hillside with good drainage, and traces of cattle quarters are evident here.

The Greek explorer and merchant Pytheas of Marseilles made a voyage to Northern Europe ca. 330 BC. Part of his itinerary is kept at bl.a.Polybios, Pliny and Strabo. Pytheas had visited Thule, which lay a six-day voyage north of Britain. There "the barbarians showed us the place where the sun does not go to sleep. It happened because there the night was very short -- in some places two, in others three hours -- so that the sun shortly after its fall soon went up again." He says that Thule was a fertile land, "rich in fruits that were ripe only until late in the year, and the people there used to prepare a drink of honey. And they threshed the grain in large houses, because of the cloudy weather and frequent rain. In the spring they drove the cattle up into the mountain pastures and stayed there all summer. " This description may fit well on the West-Norwegian conditions. Here is an instance of both dairy farming and drying/threshing in a building (kjone).

In Southern Europe Mediterranean climates, the forest at that time, immemorial for the most part, was open evergreen leaves and pine forests. After slash and burn this forest had less capacity for regeneration than the forest north of the Alps.

In Northern Europe, there was usually only one crop harvested before grass growth took over, while in the south, suitable fall was used for several years and the soil was quickly exhausted. Slash and burn shifting cultivation therefore ceased much earlier in the south than the north. Most of the forests in the Mediterranean had disappeared by classical times. The classical authors wrote about the great forests (Semple 1931 261-296).^[74]

Homer writes of wooded Samoth Race, Zacynthos, Sicily and other wooded land.^[75] The authors give us the general impression that the Mediterranean countries had more forest than now, but that it had already lost much forest, and that it was left there in the mountains (Darby 1956 186). ^[76]

It is clear that Europe remained wooded, and not only in the north. However, during the Roman Iron Age and early Viking Age, forest areas drastically reduced in Northern Europe, and settlements were regularly moved. There is no good explanation for this mobility, and the transition to stable settlements from the late Viking period, as well as the transition from shifting cultivation to stationary use of arable land. At the same time plows appears as a new group of implements were found both in graves and in depots. It can be confirmed that early agricultural people preferred forest of good quality in the hillside with good drainage, and traces of cattle quarters are evident here.

The Greek explorer and merchant Pytheas of Marseilles made a voyage to Northern Europe ca. 330 BC. Part of his itinerary is kept at Polybios, Pliny and Strabo. Pytheas had visited Thule, which lay a six-day voyage north of Britain.

There "the barbarians showed us the place where the sun does not go to sleep. It happened because there the night was very short -- in some places two, in others three hours -- so that the sun shortly after its fall soon went up again." He says that Thule was a fertile land, "rich in fruits that were ripe only until late in the year, and the people there used to prepare a drink of honey. And they threshed the grain in large houses, because of the cloudy weather and frequent rain. In the spring they drove the cattle up into the mountain pastures and stayed there all summer. " This description may fit well on the West-Norwegian conditions. Here is an instance of both dairy farming and drying/threshing in a building.

In Italy, shifting cultivation was a thing of the past at the birth of Christ. Tacitus describes it as the strange cultivation methods he had experienced among the Germans, whom he knew well from his stay with them. Rome was entirely dependent on shifting cultivation by the barbarians to survive and maintain "Pax Romana", but when the supply from the colonies "trans alpina" failed, the Roman Empire collapsed.

Tacitus writes in 98 AD about the Germans: fields are proportionate to the participating growers, but they share their crops with each other by reputation. Distribution is easy because there is great access to land. They change soil every year, and mark some off to spare, for they seek not a strenuous job in cramming this fertile and vast land even greater ydelser, by planting apple orchards, cultivated spesial beds or watering gardens; grain is the only thing they insist that the ground will provide.

The original text reads, ^[77]

"agri pro numero cultorum ad universis vicinis occupantur, quos mox inter se secundum dignationem partientur, facilitate partiendi camporum spatial praestant, arva per annos mutant, et superest ager, nec enim cum ubertate et amplitudine soli labore contendunt, ut pomaria conserant et prata separent et hortos rigent, sola terrae seges imperatur."

Tacitus discusses the shifting cultivation. ^[78][79]

The Migration Period in Europe after the Roman Empire and immediately before the Viking Age suggests that it was still more profitable for the peoples of Central Europe to move on to new forests after the best parcels were exhausted than to wait for the new forest to grow up. Therefore, the peoples of the temperate zone in Europe slash and burners, remained for as long as the forests permitted.

This exploitation of forests explains this rapid and elaborate move. But the forest could not tolerate this in the long run; it first ended in the Mediterranean. The forest here did not have the same vitality as the powerful coniferous forest in Central Europe.

Deforestation was partly caused by burning for pasture fields. Missing timber delivery led to higher prices and more stone constructions in the Roman Empire (Stewart 1956 123). ^[80]

The forest also decreased gradually northwards in Europe, but in the Nordic countries it has survived. The clans in pre-Roman Italy seemed to be living in temporary locations rather than established cities.

They cultivated small patches of land, guarded their sheep and their cattle, traded with foreign merchants, and at times fought with one another: etruscans, umbriere, ligurianere, sabinere, latinos, campaniere, apulianere, faliscanere, and samniter, just to mention a few. These Italic ethnic groups developed identities as settlers and warriors ca. 900 BC.

They built forts in the mountains, today a subject of much investigation. The forest has hidden them for a long time, but eventually they will provide information about the people who built and used these buildings. The ruin of a large samnittisk temple and theater at Pietrabbondante is under investigation. These cultural relics have slumbered in the shadow of the glorious history of the Roman Empire.

Many of the Italic tribes realized the benefits of allying with the powerful Romans. When Rome built the Via Amerina 241 BC, the Faliscan people established themselves in cities on the plains, and they collaborated with the Romans on road construction. The Roman Senate gradually gained representatives from many Faliscan and Etruscan families. The Italic tribes are now settled farmers. (Zwingle, National Geographic, January 2005). ^[81]

An edition of Commentarii de Bello Gallico from the 800AD. Julius Caesar wrote about Svebians, "Commentarii de Bello Gallico, "book 4.1; they are not by private and secluded fields, "privati ac separati agri apud eos nihil est", they cannot stay more than one year in a place for cultivation’s sake, "Neque longius anno remanere uno in loco colendi causa licet ". The Svebes lived between the Rhine and the Elbe. About the Germans, he wrote: No one has a particular field or area for themselves, for the magistrates and chiefs give fields every year to the people and the clans, which have gathered so much ground in such places that it seems good for them to continue on to somewhere else after a year. "Neque quisquam agri modum certum aut fines habet proprios, sed magistratus ac principes in annos singulos gentibus cognationibusque hominum, qui tum una coierunt, a quantum et quo loco visum est agri attribuunt atque anno post alio transire cogunt" book 6, 22.

Strabo (63 BC - about 20 AD) also writes about sveberne in Geographicon VII, 1, 3. Common to all the people in this area is that they can easily change residence because of their sordid way of life; that they do not grow any fields and do not collect property, but live in temporary huts. They get their nourishment from their livestock for the most part, and like nomads, they pack all their goods in wagons and go on to wherever they want. Horazius writes in 17 BC (Carmen säculare, 3, 24, 9 ff .) about the people of Macedonia. The proud Getae also live happily, growing free food and cereal for themselves on land that they do not want to cultivate for more than a year, "vivunt et rigidi Getae, immetata quibus iugera liberal fruges et Cererem freunt, nec cultura placet longior annua." Several classical writers have descriptions of shifting cultivation people. Many peoples’ various shifting cultivations characterized the migration Period in Europe. The exploitation of forests demanded constant displacement, and large areas were deforested.

Locations of the tribes described by Jordanes in Norway, contemporary with, and some possibly ruled by Rodulf. Jordanes was of Gothic descent and ended up as a monk in Italy. In his work De origine actibusque Getarum (The Origin and Deeds of the Getae/Goths^[82]),^[83] the Gothic origins and achievements, the author of 550 AD provides information on the big island Scandza, which the Goths come from. He expects that of the tribes who live here, some are adogit living far north with 40 days of the midnight sun. After adogit come screrefennae and suehans who also live in the north. Screrefennae moved a lot and did not bring to the field crops, but made their living by hunting and collecting bird eggs.

Suehans was a seminomadic tribe that had good horses like Thüringians and ran fur hunting to sell the skins. It was too far north to grow grain. Prokopios, ca. 550 AD, also describes a primitive hunter people he calls skrithifinoi. These pitiful creatures had neither wine nor corn, for they did not grow any crops. "Both men and women engaged incessantly just in hunting the rich forests and mountains, which gave them an endless supply of game and wild animals." Screrefennae and skrithifinoi is well Sami who often have names such as; skridfinner, which is probably a later form, derived from skrithibinoi or some similar spelling. The two old terms, screrefennae and skrithifinoi, are probably origins in the sense of neither ski nor finn. Furthermore, in Jordanes' ethnographic description of Scandza are several tribes, and among these are finnaithae "who was always ready for battle" Mixi evagre and otingis that should have lived like wild beasts in mountain caves, "further from them" lived osthrogoth, raumariciae, ragnaricii, finnie, vinoviloth and suetidi that would last prouder than other people.

Adam of Bremen describes Sweden, according to information he received from the Danish king Sven Estridson or also called Sweyn II of Denmark in 1068: "It is very fruitful, the earth holds many crops and honey, it has a greater livestock than all other countries, there are a lot of useful rivers and forests, with regard to women they do not know moderation, they have for their economic position two, three, or more wives simultaneously, the rich and the rulers are innumerable." The latter indicates a kind of extended family structure, and that forests are specifically mentioned as useful may be associated with shifting cultivation and livestock. The "livestock grazing, as with the Arabs, far out in the wilderness" can be interpreted in the same direction.

From the last Europeans people who lived in this way (The Forest Finns in Scandinavia) we can find rest of one of the cultures that dominated Europe before stationary farming. Per Martin Tvengsberg, being a descendant of people from that culture, and studying the culture for decades in the capacity as curator at Hedmark Museum, is one of those who have the most knowledge about this culture.^[84]

Savo-karelians had a sophisticated system that secured them the best spruce forests for their cultivation.

In a rune-poem about Finnforest and its spruce forests it is said, "Gåivu on mehdien valgoinen valhe" or, the birch is the forest’s white lie. The best spruce forests do contain birch trees. They come only after the forest has been swidden once or twice. To find new forest was an important prerequisite for securing the future. Noita chose flawless young men, who were sent out in late autumn (lähteä eriin) to find and mark the best forest (eräpühä) for his clan. The wooded area was marked with the clan's personal mark (puumerkki) on the most visible trees. The woven band/stripe of the clan was fastened to a tree (kirjavainen puu). The young man flashed trees around the area to inform any other clans that the place was occupied. From now on, others respected the selected area; it was taboo (pühä) for them to go beyond their borders, no matter how far the young man had traveled to find this woodland. When people from his own clan returned (tulla erästä) early in the spring, they were prepared and able to describe the marked places by means of poetic runes. Runes performed by the young man made it easier for the rest of the clan to remember how to find their way there and back.

Noita had a social organization related to the berdache or bate at the Crow Indians (Angelino, Shedd 1955 121). ^[85] The relationship between noite and his chosen young men seemed to have homosexual tendencies. Noite also found his successor among these men (ragr, argr) (Sonnenschein 1966 76). ^[86] These young men were selected if they were without fault. It is often mentioned that they had to have flawless teeth. This may be because they needed perform the desired sound (screatus / scritobini), sound, song (kirjua, huutaa, seid lätir, galdr) to vibrate the drumskin.

Homosexuality has a specific biological basis, but still human sexuality is profoundly associated with social conditions, and therefore takes different forms in different cultural situations. Some sexual traits are the result of a common experience, or a result of altered development in physiological control. (Ford, Beach 1951 3-5). ^[87] In some cultures, the man who took on the feminine role was regarded as a powerful shaman. He (noita, tietäjä, velho, seidmadr) was a highly respected person, who could see into and predict the future. Berdache can be traced in ancient cultures, being called institutionalized homosexuality by some authors (Ford, Beach 1951 130).^[88]

This organization is found in the sagas of Snorri Sturluson: Harald Fairhair kap.35, Olav Trygvasson kap.62 - 63 gives examples of the Christian opposition to such old customs (Hirschfeld 1902 247-263).^[89] The word (pühä) denotes: circumscribed, limited, inaugurated (Eurener 1860, Lönnrot 1930)^[90] and is associated with a holy place, a sacred object or sacred forests, pühä ouda (Lästadius 1959 34).^[91] Pühä refers to human power similar to supernatural power (Vilkuna 1956 193).^[92]

Pühä seems to have changed the meaning from an engineering term to an abstract concept (Vilkuna 1956 188, Anttonen 1994 26).^[93] Suomen Kieler Etymologinen Sanakirja (1962 668)^[94] explains pühä in Värmland Finnforest as a newer term for the devil, shaman spirit (noidan henki), bewitched (noiduttu, noidan pilaama), something that a magician or shaman has destroyed, (saastainen) contaminated, which relates to the sick and even to death. Same words in Udmurt, Komi and Zyrien language; Veža also hand the importance devil. Eräpühä means a remote holy place, where the best spruce forest grows.The corresponding secular is (piha), yard at (pihalaaja), the human race with its yard tree (pihlaja), rowan.

The marked huuhta - area, and especially the burned fall was pühä before it was sown, before its transformation into a rye producing area for the benefit of the clan. Eräpühä was associated with the place where huuhta gave the maximum yield, far away in the spruce forest (erämaa). Here they could also bring their dead, because the dead body returns to nature after the final journey into the unknown forest. Such places were on the edge of their "world"(maailma) and thus in contact with witchcraft (hiisi) and ancestral connection to life here. Eräpühä was associated with the place between life and death. There was neither forest nor rye field; it was during the change (muuttuva pühä). ^[95]

Clans had marked up many potential swidden plots in the forest with different qualities, sizes, moisture, forest qualities, terrain, soil, wildfire risk and many other considerations. Noite should, at any time, be able select the location that would provide the best crop. If he believed/knew that weather conditions would be moist, he chose a plot with sloping terrain and thus good drainage. If a dry summer was in sight, he preferred places surrounded by natural water, so as to prevent forest fires and also ensure adequate moisture for growth. Otherwise, there were many other factors he took into consideration for site selection -- deliberations which later became irrelevant in the context of agriculture. The clan also had many swidden plots at different stages in the process simultaneously, and cooperation between clans with different specialties was common. Thus they secured crops every year.^[96]

The word Viking appears to be older than the Viking Age. It occurs in Exodus, the Alexandrian translation of the 2nd Leviticus, which mentions the Jewish exodus from Egypt. On the voyage across the Read Sea, they are termed; säwicingas. In the Alexandrian Widsith occurs the word Viking in line 47; wicinga cynn, clan, and in line 59 and 80, the Vikings used the same term for themselves. The word Viking denotes mobility, those who deal with travel; Vikja, vik, veik, vikjinn is the old west-Norwegian verb with the same meaning as the word viking. Adam of Bremen tells us that these pirates, in Greek words that are related to go (travel), call themselves Vikings, while our countrymen call them ascomanner, i.e. boaters. The term scegdman is Anglo-Saxon and it also means boaters, and there are several other terms with similar meanings (Askeberg 1944 s.153).^[97] The Vikings are associated with robbery and assault, and they got a good deal of written description because of this. The newly established Christian church was subjected to the Vikings’ robbery, but the reasoning for excursions was the necessary expansion, which was natural for their swidden culture in a time of climate deterioration.

The Vikings explored new forests wherever they found them. They went westwards to England, Ireland, Iceland, south to France and east to Russia. They were colonizers as they expanded the seating areas and encouraged trade and subsequent town building. Written sources claim that many were eventually robbers. The British Isles were an early goal. There they found good opportunities for swidden cultivation.

Bede (673-735) writes in the book in Chapter 1 (1979 Schjöth 13, 16)^[98] "Britain is fertile, with large forests and good pastures for cattle and draft animals, and in some places also grown wine. The barbarians were unable to resist the legion (Roman) attacks. They fled into the forests, remained hidden, and made more attacks on the Romans, which caused great damage." These "barbarians" were swidden cultivators in the forests. It is evident from place names, often - by and - thorp, (Domesday Book of 1086).

Newcomers settled outside of the older settlements, usually in sloping terrain (Sawyer 1971), ^[99] favorable for swidden cultivation and subsequent livestock.

Colonization took place in an orderly manner so that the leaders of the viking army could levy taxes and require the services in the areas they had occupied. A remark from the 876 AD reads: "Healfdene captured Northumbria, dividing the country between himself and his Thanes (Thane, ministris), and letting the army cultivate it" (English Historical Documents, 4). Large estates, (shire, sokes, lathes), which included forest, were the original economic unit. Pastures, arable land, lakes, and saltpans in the coastal areas are also frequently mentioned. Such estates survived longest in the north and west (Barrow 1973 7-68), ^[100] but eventually they were divided into smaller units where farmers received ownership. By this time, they had begun plowing soil.

There are a number of Scandinavian place names in the Danelagen which contain a person’s name. More than half of the names of and by the thorp contain a person’s name, usually a nordic name (Fellows Jensen 1978 276-86). ^[101]

The dissolution of estates was caused mainly by the transition from communal swidden cultivation to individual land, and the first farmer’s name is usually recorded in the farm’s name.

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle was originally collected as the vestsaxiske response to the Viking invasion 892 AD (Sawyer 1971 16, 19).^[102] This has dominated the view of the Vikings, because there are no corresponding sources from other parts of England. Only small fragments from other sources are preserved as well as the younger versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle or in collections from eleven - and twelve centuries (EHD 3-4).

Historia de Sancto Cuthberto (EHD 6) tells how St. Cuthbert in Northumberland protects his father’s legacy against the Vikings. Here we show that the relationships between the English and Norse were not as hostile as those with the West Saxons. From the last phase of the Viking raids of King Ethelred the time, there are several written sources with hard attacks and unjust condemnation of the king (Keynes 1978). ^[103]

The Irish chronicle of war against foreign invaders, "Cogadh Gaedhel re Gallaibh" is written over eleven centuries (Todd 1867). ^[104] It tells about the Viking raids during the eight and nine hundreds. "Annals of Ulster" contains many reliable original texts, even if they are written in the fifteenth century (O Maille 1910). It is therefore easier to study the Vikings in eight and nine hundreds here than in any other part of the British Isles.

Our knowledge of the Vikings and their world is mainly found in Christian written sources, the oldest written by people which the Vikings came into contact with (robbed), while the later writings are by Northerners after they were converted to Christianity. The earliest Nordic is Islendingabok, written by Are Thorgilson between the years 1125 and 1132.

Are was most likely involved in assembling the first version of Landnámabók, probably from the same time. According to Landnámabók (1900 103), no one should be taking up more land than he could ride around the fire in one day together with his ship crew, "at fara eldi um landnám sitt." The first fire was lit at sunrise and it would burn until the sun went down. Furthermore, new fires were lit, so one could see the smoke from the previous one that marked the selection of the desired land. Archaeological surveys have shown that several original farms in Iceland were abandoned already in 1000 – 1100 AD (Thorarinsson 1976). ^[105]

Excavations in Thjórsardalur have demonstrated that the farm was abandoned before Heklaeruption in the year 1104 (Eldjarn 1961). ^[106] It is likely that the Icelandic settlers tried to recreate the buildings and the social arrangements they were used to from home. The Icelandic community consisted of gôder, princes, and their extended families. Some of the farms are mentioned in particular for their valuable pastures. Later versions of Landnámabók show that some farms became larger and some decreased in 1100 and 1200 (Rafnsson 1974 166-181). ^[107]

Ireland was visited by the Vikings that stayed over Winter. Ulster Annals tell of many attacks by Vikings in the between 830 and 840 AD. They often operated from bases inside the country; for instance, Lough Ree Dorestad in the Frankish hinterland was attacked in 835 and 836 AD, later the the Viking Rorik's seat. In 851 AD Vikings wintered for the first time at the Seine. The Vikings, who often settled in countries far from the sea, investigated all navigable rivers. The Vikings fought as often with as they did against the Irish, Franks, or Bretagnes. Their urge for expansion was driven by traditional expectations of continuously acquiring new and better swidden forests. Even expeditions to Spain, Africa, and Italy in the mid-800 were most likely based initially on expansion traditions, but evolved into raids as did many of the others.

The Vikings in the east are referred to in several Arabic fonts.

Ibn Rustah writes that Rus ravaged among the Slavs, and took them as slaves. It is recorded that Rus did not commit to farming. They had no cities but did have several merchants, so the only occupations were in trading with sable, squirrel, and other furs which they sold to anyone who wanted to buy. Their biggest political influence was the contribution to the founding of the Russian empire, but the claim that they did not engage in agriculture very questionable.

In the "Annales Bertiniani" tells the story of a Greek delegation which came to the Emperor Louis Ingelheim in 839 AD. According to the story, there were some men who called themselves "Rhos". They asked for the emperor's permission to return home through the land of the Franks, because the road they had traveled to Greece was very dangerous. These "Rhos" were part of the Swedes tribe. This is the first time "rhos" or "rus" refers to the people of Russia in the Viking Age. What the word rhos means is much discussed. One theory is that it can mean those who are rowing; ródr.

In Nestor chronicle, written in Kiev at the beginning of the eleventh century, are the first dynasties dating back to the year 862, when Rurik the Varjage, who along with his younger brothers was invited to rule over slaves, chuder, kriviker and ves.

A source from the early nine hundreds was written by Ibn Fadlan, who participated in an Islamic delegation from the caliph al - Muktadir in 921 to Bulgar on the Volga River (Canard 1958 41-145).^[108] Fadlan admired northerner physique, writing that they were red and long as date palms, but were the ugliest creatures that God had ever created. The men always wore swords, axes and knives, while the women had neck rings of precious metal and collars of green glass beads. He experienced a varjagkings boat burial.

Emperor Constantine of Byzantium Porphyrogennetos also mentions "rus" (Obolensky 1962). ^[109] "De imperio administrando" ca. 950 states that "the boats coming from the far straight Rus at Constantinople are from Novgorod, where Svyatoslav, Igor's son, Prince of Rus, has his residence." As he finds rich districts of ancient Scandinavian affairs in Russia, Jaroslav and Vladimir on the upper Volga mention, "There the hilly and friendly burch terrain in many ways reminds of a middle Swedish landscape" (Arbman 1936). ^[110]

The Vikings in east were denoted as varjages, väringes, varangians. This last is an old expression that means lush forest. This is preserved in the names of geographical sites. The term has remained the name only in areas where the (rich) forest was a rarity. In northern Fenno - Scandia and around the White Sea are a dozen such names in areas of forest. Varanger in Finnmark is another example. The Finnish name of the fortress Vardøhus is Varjakanlinna. Varjakanmaa was the Vikings’ homeland, writes Lönnrot in the Finnish-Swedish Lexicon (Helsinki 1880 900).

Certain woodlands bear this name in Estonia, standing out from their surroundings through very high fertility.

The extended family was the normal social structure of the Vikings (Sjøvold 1979 53-72), ^[111] but has since become uncommon in most parts of the Nordic countries (Winberg 1973 192-97). ^[112] It has since remained where shifting cultivation was still the dominant means for nourishment, some still exist in some remote places in Karelia. Moreover, it has been discovered that in certain areas, the number of families increased by huge margins after the fifteenth century (Tornberg 1972). ^[113]

There was the tribe that was responsible for the earliest Viking raids in the 800's, where the primary goal was to find new forests for swidden. But from the end of the nine hundreds it was often the kings who led the expedition and swidden expansion.

The ecclesiastical and secular authorities in Riga in 1230 set up an appointment with kurer (agricultural population), all oh whom had been converted to Christianity. The Kures agreed that for each swidden they would pay an annual fee of half a pound of rye, as they should pay the same fee for next year's crop on the same so-called harrowed land. But those who really wanted processed soil using plows and harrows pulled by horses rather than by burning new forest field would only pay half a pound (Bunge 1889 137-38). ^[114] The authorities wanted to get rid of shifting cultivation, because the place-bound farmer was more easily controllable and simplified tax collection.

Savo-karelians had a sophisticated system that secured them the best spruce forests for their cultivation. In a rune-poem about Finnforest and its spruce forests it is said, "Gåivu on mehdien valgoinen valhe" or, the birch is the forest’s white lie. The best spruce forests do contain birch trees. They come only after the forest has been swidden once or twice. To find new forest was an important prerequisite for securing the future. Noita chose flawless young men, who were sent out in late autumn (lähteä eriin) to find and mark the best forest (eräpühä) for his clan. The wooded area was marked with the clan's personal mark (puumerkki) on the most visible trees. The woven band/stripe of the clan was fastened to a tree (kirjavainen puu). The young man flashed trees around the area to inform any other clans that the place was occupied. From now on, others respected the selected area; it was taboo (pühä) for them to go beyond their borders, no matter how far the young man had traveled to find this woodland. When people from his own clan returned (tulla erästä) early in the spring, they were prepared and able to describe the marked places by means of poetic runes. Runes performed by the young man made it easier for the rest of the clan to remember how to find their way there and back.

Noita had a social organization related to the berdache or bate at the Crow Indians (Angelino, Shedd 1955 121). ^[115] The relationship between noite and his chosen young men seemed to have homosexual tendencies. Noite also found his successor among these men (ragr, argr) (Sonnenschein 1966 76). ^[116] These young men were selected if they were without fault. It is often mentioned that they had to have flawless teeth. This may be because they needed perform the desired sound (screatus / scritobini), sound, song (kirjua, huutaa, seid lätir, galdr) to vibrate the drumskin. Homosexuality has a specific biological basis, but still human sexuality is profoundly associated with social conditions, and therefore takes different forms in different cultural situations. Some sexual traits are the result of a common experience, or a result of altered development in physiological control (Ford, Beach 1951 3-5). ^[117]

In some cultures, the man who took on the feminine role was regarded as a powerful shaman. He (noita, tietäjä, velho, seidmadr) was a highly respected person, who could see into and predict the future. Berdache can be traced in ancient cultures, being called institutionalized homosexuality by some authors (Ford, Beach 1951 130).^[118]

This organization is found in the sagas of Snorri Sturluson: Harald Fairhair kap.35, Olav Trygvasson kap.62 - 63 gives examples of the Christian opposition to such old customs (Hirschfeld 1902 247-263). ^[119]

The word (pühä) denotes: circumscribed, limited, inaugurated (Eurener 1860, Lönnrot 1930) and is associated with a holy place, a sacred object or sacred forests, pühä ouda (Lästadius 1959 34). ^[120] Pühä refers to human power similar to supernatural power (Vilkuna 1956 193). ^[121] Pühä seems to have changed the meaning from an engineering term to an abstract concept (Vilkuna 1956 188),^[122] (Anttonen 1994 26). ^[123] Suomen Kieler Etymologinen Sanakirja (1962 668)^[124] explains pühä in Värmland Finnforest as a newer term for the devil, shaman spirit (noidan henki), bewitched (noiduttu, noidan pilaama), something that a magician or shaman has destroyed, (saastainen) contaminated, which relates to the sick and even to death. Same words in Udmurt, Komi and Zyrien language; Veža also hand the importance devil. Eräpühä means a remote holy place, where the best spruce forest grows.The corresponding secular is (piha), yard at (pihalaaja), the human race with its yard tree (pihlaja), rowan.

The marked huuhta - area, and especially the burned fall was pühä before it was sown, before its transformation into a rye producing area for the benefit of the clan. Eräpühä was associated with the place where huuhta gave the maximum yield, far away in the spruce forest (erämaa). Here they could also bring their dead, because the dead body returns to nature after the final journey into the unknown forest. Such places were on the edge of their "world"(maailma) and thus in contact with witchcraft (hiisi) and ancestral connection to life here. Eräpühä was associated with the place between life and death. There was neither forest nor rye field; it was during the change (muuttuva pühä).

Clans had marked up many potential swidden plots in the forest with different qualities, sizes, moisture, forest qualities, terrain, soil, wildfire risk and many other considerations. Noite should, at any time, be able select the location that would provide the best crop. If he believed/knew that weather conditions would be moist, he chose a plot with sloping terrain and thus good drainage. If a dry summer was in sight, he preferred places surrounded by natural water, so as to prevent forest fires and also ensure adequate moisture for growth. Otherwise, there were many other factors he took into consideration for site selection -- deliberations which later became irrelevant in the context of agriculture. The clan also had many swidden plots at different stages in the process simultaneously, and cooperation between clans with different specialties was common. Thus they secured crops every year.

Shifting cultivation was seasonal work, which meant that there were long periods of rest in between. These intervals were used for training procedures. Cooperation procedures were drilled, so that complex procedures would work seamlessly when the came. This training was mainly done through literature and art. It was a poetic session in plenary. All parts of the swidden procedure were described to the smallest detail by means of rune poems. Everyone learned their runes and sang them for the clan. Such ceremonial performances included song, dance, music and role-play. They were repeated several times until all each of the clan members was familiar with his/her role. The preparation of individual efforts meant that everything had to fall into place during the swidden process.

When a selected forest area was to be used, the axe men (kirvesmies) killed the trees, or arranged successive felling by means of the wind. The felled forest was left to dry over the summer and the weight of the snow the following winter pressed trees together so that the burning would be more effective. During this drying period, the clan craftsmen ironed out their issues and household needs, and fixed appliances and implements. Earth was not processed, but large trees were socked or call peeled, so they could dry at the root. Stumps after the felled trees were not touched. Large stones were not handled; one had to walk around the stone. Only the half-burned logs that were left behind were used as fences around the swidden.

Before midsummer of the second year, noita found time for burning the huuhta swidden. This timing was important. Rain after burning formed a hard crust of ash, so the small rye seeds would fail to penetrate it. Then the rye was exposed to wind and voracious birds. The burning needed to take place at the right time, before the turn of the weather from high to low pressure, but not before the chill of the fall, for otherwise the rye could be damaged by the high temperatures. The fall could not be cold, for the heat retained in the soil promoted germination. To determine whether cooling was sufficient, one person was awarded the honor of rolling around naked in the hot field. That was been interpreted as a ritual fertility dance. After all this work, everybody had to swim.

Swidden culture has therefore supported sauna culture. Although shifting cultivation was forgotten, the sauna bath continued to be an important facet of the Roman empire. The bells at the bath rang to announce that the bathroom was hot, "Sonat bellorum termarum". It was not only the bells that the church took over, but also parts of the bath ceremony. The smoke from the Sistine Chapel after the Pope - election has old pre-Christian roots.

Forest rye has given yields of more than 12,000 fold. From one rye seed grew a 2.6 meter high and 3.8 meter wide sod. The biggest tussock consisted of 162 straws with the average of 75 grains per ear. I found ten rye in a rie in Grue Finnskog in 1973. These were grown at Domkirkeodden, Hamar 1988 to 1990 under the leadership of Cecilie Jensen (1995 Tvengsberg 160). ^[125]

Erik Pontoppidan writes about swidden cultivation in "The first Attempt at Norway's natural history", 1752, I. Part: "This is due to the concentrated spiritus vegetativus in the ash, which do not have time to exhale (evaporate) but penetrate into the seed and create a wonderful healing effect, which is why chymici meditate their regenerationem plantarium combustarium at this spirituc vegetativo, though a big deal of it without a doubt by swidden-fire, such as open, scatter and fly away. "

Huuhta swidden culture was the cultural sustain, who maintained the ethnic border between the forest people and their Swedish and Norwegian neighbors in the village. The fact that they were constantly in intense interaction sharpened cultural boundaries.

All villages in Finnforest had a magic guy and/or signings woman. They had stronger connections with the sky (bitch), soil (maa), and underworld (allimaa), closer to nature than to other people. They knew that everything that moved had life and everything that had life had soul (water, wind, trees, grass, grain, turnips, clouds, and stars with the moon and sun as the key. They were feeling good and able to communicate with these "beings." Even today, after shifting cultivation ceased more than 100 years ago, there are cultural characteristics that helped maintain an ethnic limit, such as weather forecast, healing, and the stopping of blood. Ax was by far the most important and most used tool, and it also caused the most accidents. A great sorcerer had to have all his teeth intact (Lindtorp 1946 70),^[126] Lästadius 1959 115 ).

The old sorcerers had to have a knife in his mouth to help. The weather prophets were knowledgeable; they could read the insects, birds, and animal behavior through weather changes according to immemorial times inherited experiences. Ri - Kesten (Rehepappen in Estonia, Grängberg 125, Wiedemann 768),^[127]

Ole Eriksen Lehmoinen (1814-1905), used to say; Now the blood stands as poles in the ground and stumps of burned falls: "Nyt on veren seistävä kuin pylväät maassa ja kannot palaneissa nuotioissa". You should stand as the judge in hell, among other things, was also said during the stopping of blood. A few Finnforest affiliations are still considered to have supernatural abilities. They can manipulate nature, other living beings, and even people. Arcane (old Finland) rattles and fragments of strange rituals are also preserved in some, though apparently no longer in active use. These mostly secret specialties can be traced back to swidden cultivation. Ri-Kesten was responsible for the rye in the ria. He decided when and how it was treated, and was therefore an important person in society.

The extended family and clan was the basis for Finnforest population jurisdictions, social organization, economic benefits, and other institutions. In this mighty spruce forest noite no longer had the same function. Here one could pick and choose and use new spruce forest areas, so the use of the drum had fallen away completely. But there were many unwritten rules laid down in the rune poems: "res nullius cedit primo occupanti" (Vilkuna 1953). ^[128]

The head of the family had replaced noite. He was the leader of the swidden, a peasant named in written sources (Lindtorp 1948 12) ^[129] (Olavsson 1963 87). ^[130] Members of the swidden group were called axmen or lotmen, and they were usually farm boys, cotters, inderst, and vacant finns. The written document from court says nothing about swidden procedure or disputes between the Finns, because these were resolved locally without much community involvement. Erik Purainen was such a leader, who ensured that the Finns in Grue held together. He decided on right and wrong and punished severely if necessary (Lindtorp 1942 18).^[131]

Both in court protocols and land protocols we meet almost all of these leading figures as "Edsworne LavRättesmänd" selected by the judge. This must mean that the society was aware of and accepted the Finns' own local order and justice. Swidden leaders continued even after swidden cultivation ceased, but now with other local functions. Court protocols do not reflect the Finns’ bad reputation as killers, thieves, and wizards. Such characteristics were rooted in the society’s ignorance and fear of the alien Finnish culture.

In the swidden culture people were accustomed to obeying a powerful leader, and the skilled Noite was admired and looked up to. The dean of Karesuando, Lars Levi Lästadius (1800-1861), studied the Sami way of life closely, wrote their history and becoming more interested in their religion/mythology "på öfvernaturliga väsenden och verkningar", "You could not imagine that most Saami were skilled in witchcraft; it was only Noides (Sorcerers) that knew these magical secrets, for which the Saami were know for so far and wide. These Noida (mager, Spåmän or Trollkarlar) were standing in high regard among the Saami, and they were the Nation’s clerisy or priests "(1997 Lästadius 1997 7). ^[132]

While he opposed the noida in his work by converting the heathen, he was a "Noida" himself as a revival preacher and founder of Lästadianism. Saami were traditionally used to having a leader to look up to, and Lästadius was such a leader as the head of the revival community.

Carl Axel Gottlund (1796 -1870) played a similar role in the Finnforest. He did ”mission” work at the same time, but in the arena of ethnography. Although he was called the "Apostle", he was not a religious leader. But he was a significant ethnographer, who was unfortunately overshadowed by Lönnrot and others. Gottlund collected the most runes of them all, and it was he who documented Sampo-runes on to Finnforest. Shifting cultivation was waning during the 19th century, and Gottlund the place of the "Noida" Finnforest people wanted and needed. He has strengthened the Finnforest people’s self esteem and ethnicity to this day, and will continue to do so.

Finnforest people were constantly looking for new plots in the forest, and new dwellings on the left swidden continued, regardless of what the authorities might have thought about the case. More settlers on the Grue Finnforest were repeatedly exposed to forest owners’ violence. Forest owners in Christiania would employ cheap labor in forestry, and new settlements were demolished and burned if they did not fit into the forest owner's plan. But "the forest manager (Ole Gulbrandsen) had barley left the place before the finn again took his right to occupy the cottage" (1986 Gottlund 1986 291). ^[133]

Note the phrase, ‘to occupy.’ This is according to the Finn’s own jurisdictions. In the spring of 1818 he had several tenant farmers including Skåkberget and Furuberget, but then sold all his things and went to Christiania to emigrate to America. But the forest owner, Ankerske Fideikomiss, prevented the journey for fear that others would follow. Back on the break, Finnskogen would have tempted holders not to have an equivalent to inhysinger and paupers had it not been for the local "social system", which provided an establishment even under the threat of the helpers to fines of 50 speciedaler. The swidden clan needed their skilled axmen, so it was for the local public benefit that they were taken care of when they returned home. There were also paupers who had fallen outside the system, but it was accepted that these went down the begging path. It would have been interesting to compare the Finns' own social system and the Norwegian society, but it would lead us far away into "huuhtaheitti" in this context.

As the timber increased in value beyond the 1700's, disputes arose as court protocols can tell. In 1720-1730's there were many uncertainties about logging, but most often, the parties, Christiania merchants, and farmers agreed to share the timber sale: "that they should have the half of the timber, pine measured sawing timber" said Skasdammen. Measurement of boundaries and border contracts were created, and many contracts for forestry and pasturing were signed. The un-matriculated dwellings (torp), the "Royal Decree of 6 May 1754 for new farms – farms creation and building in Norway" recorded by the surveyor's Capitain FC Knoff in the years 1752 to 1758. Knoff spoke on behalf of the State to give a 20-year tax exemption and 30 thalers to start a more effective contribution. Where there was some semblance of law, the dwelling was accepted as new, even if it had existed for decades. A leftover swidden could easily be rebranded as a start for something new. Reeve comment would be, "that started clearing, but left the place" or "condominium space was to the detriment". The state did not find out that the finnish culture had its own expansion method. The regulation was completely unnecessary here on Finnforest and seats in forest were already taxed by the farmers. Knoff had barely created any new farms when the scheme was also abolished in 1777. On November 7, 1767 it was written that in Knoff, it was illegal to "give out Böxel".

After 1700, contracts were established between forest owners in Christiania and farmers/finns. Forest owners reserved all timber products harvested in the forest to the user, and finns were "allowed to use all swidden forest and pasture for their cattle at special places without money or something to pay with, but themselves must stay away from the places with their swidden, where suitable pine forests are growing or grew up forest are standing under the real punishment for such forest by swidden would become damaged "(Gräsberget 1733). Certain contracts concerned the sale of timber for money against the mortgage on the farm (Skjelver 1727).

Sometimes, such contracts ended with foreclosures. Much of the Finnforest came under Anker family ownership, but by Bernt Anker's death in 1805, the family business turned into Fideikommiss, which was dissolved in 1819. There are still stories about how strict Ankers’ people were against the Finns. In the transfers towards the end of 1700's, it was common to try to limit the shifting cultivation through such formulations. "Swidden land of a skin's guilt in the farm" (Berger 1774). But shifting cultivation could continue unimpeded as long as the nearest pine forest had lasting peace: "Such forest cannot be laid down for swidden that either can be useful as timber forest or is useful now" (Rotberget 1737).

After the sale of Anker Estate, swidden cultivation increased from 1825. The Finns were often sued for illegal swidden, but inspections never took place. The usual explanation from the Finns was that it was "huuhta heittiö": waste huuhta that gave no crops. But during an inspection was held for a trial in 1862, and the report stated that the Commission passed eight swidden falls on the way to the appropriate case.

The first Act of 1821 claimed that this must be done within 8 years. If the replacement did not occur, the land tax was increased "as a result of replacement, any man aligning himself to his now allotted plots or parts with varying uses and harvesting cannot touch or harvest anything in anyone else’s allotted forest part. It's for all of us to freely cut forest on his own allotted part under the premise not to have this part fenced longer than three following years, after which time it again has to be free pasture" (1824). This point (no.11) in provisions for the replacement shows that swidden denial was not taken seriously in Grue Finnforest. Finns were repeatedly sued for illegal swidden until the second half of the 1800s. Apparently it did not help that swidden denial was repeated and emphasized time and again. Those who would enforce the ban on behalf of the authorities were often complicit in swidden, and therefore had the advantage of continuation. It is common to find that swidden has occurred three times in the same forest plot. This can be seen in the humus layer, where one often sees that the last burning has remained since the end of the 1800s and in north sides into the 1900s, for here timber transport uphill was not profitable. In such steep hills, the village peasants hired the swidden group to burn separately. This also occurred in the dairy farming forest and the so-called home woods that often lay near the village. On good quality woodland a new generation of spruce forest was growing after 80 - 100 years, but the second and third swidden did not produce such a large crop as virgin spruce forest soil. After 1900, there was little swidden in Grue Finnforest. In early July 1887 Petrus Smith made a journey to Finnforest, "On the way (with karriol to Gräsmark) could I understand, that I was approaching places where Finns lived, resorting to the sides of the road that seemed to be more burnt swidden plots" (Nordmann 1913 95). ^[134]

Shifting cultivation is still practiced (jhum) by some "primitive" peoples in Asia, Africa and South America, but most of them are forced to quit. The European colonies put an end to shifting cultivation. Large plantations for the industry in Europe were effective stops for the local culture. The colonists ruled, and local swidden were referred to areas that could not be exploited by Europeans. The locals lost the opportunity for traditional use of the forest. But some people could continue. Syrjens made swidden to ca. 1870. They cultivated rye and usually got 50-80 fold (Manninen 1932 274).^[135]

While in 1900 in Java as well as all agricultural land were permanently cultivated land, there was much in Sumatra called place shifting cultivation. It is also still the case. One area that has changed in that system, called a Ladang. At the end of the dry season it clipped a piece of wood in all the little wood, where large trees were mostly spared. The felling of large trees would be much more labor costs while also could do service as shade trees. The felled timber was then fired, after which often in the hot ashes sowed or planted, whether or not after having made holes with a dibble. After two years at the Ladang are no longer planted annual crops. (P. Orchard, 2001).

Rijstladang harvested in Banandolok, in allowing the trees standing, many of whom store again soon, Tapanoeli.

Today the forest is saved for the benefit of the European/American modern industrial destruction of vast areas of the "third world", native tribes referred to the replacement of the dollar. What is happening in Asia under Chinese and Russian leadership is also frightening. But the old ethnic shifting cultivation is no threat to the forest anymore.

From ancient times weather change was confirmed by observation of the cold front. When the cold front goes by, there is an electric change in the air. The electromagnetic jonisation in the atmosphere alternates between positive and negative charges. This change will be some time before the rain. An experienced noite was able to calculate how long it would take before it rained, upon considering wind, cloud cover, and other observations. These electromagnetic changes can be made visible on a vibrating drumhead (tambo, sampo). Fine grained oakbark-flour (tamppu, tammipuu), was strewn over a large tight drumhead, which was set in vibration through repeated singing or humming (huutaa, kirkua) on vocals - sound: "ohm - ohm - ohm - ohmen (ahmen) ". This ohm sound was sung through the drum's own frequency, which gave regular fluctuations and wave movements on the skin. This vibrating skin collects flour, and to the human eye, obscures curved lines, for these lines bend as the song continues. The lines clearly show the transition from positive to negative joining one another in the air. When they switch from concave to convex lines, they pass the straight line, which is a condition in which a clearly readable image emerges.

The image is a composite regular pattern of triangles of different sizes inside one another. But after curving lines to the other edge, the picture is again unclear and not readable to the human eye. This clear triangular shape represents the neutral point, the transition in the air from positive to negative charge attractions: a neutral state. The timing of the next low pressure system bringing rain can thus be calculated accurately. Experience and musicianship was necessary to succeed in this complicated process. That's probably why the international expression raffles strains. As tombola is a lottery where the winning ticket is drawn from a rotating drum.

Aum / om is the universal sound, symbol - the word of God. Aum in Veda - poetry, the sacred word Hum of the Tibetans, Amin among Muslims, Amen of the Egyptians, Greeks, Romans, Jews and Christians. Aum is the universal sound, arising from the invisible cosmic vibration. God is the creator. Paramahansa Yogananda.

Drum skin's (kirjokansi) triangular pattern we find in "primitive" art around the world

Similarly, weather forecasting (omen, pühär-ohman) has its presence in shifting cultivation. The triangular pattern was the signal noite needed. Fragments of this complex ritual have survived to this day, and can be recognized as part of modern religious ceremonies, music, dance, literature, and ornamentation. For example, the mantra is sacred formula in Hindu, Buddhist, Tantric, and Tibetan.

It is also appreciated from a philosophical standpoint; it represents the energy of the universe based on mystical diagrams and provides a main pattern of ornamental art, of which Yoga is an example. This geometric pattern (yantra) is a visual equivalent to the primal sound OM or AM, the singers original sound (mantra).

The original sound (OM) has a visual correspond in bindu, the point, and the model for the mandala, the circle. The original sound has been described by philosophers as the purest manifestation of sound without any frequency, motion or vibration: the primal sound, or the original self-made sound from the beginning (Mookerjee 1975 30). ^[136] The magic power of the sound is often described as "word", as Tao in Taoism, as Brahma in the Hindu religion, and as God in the Bible. "In the beginning was the word and the word was with God, and the word was God" (Gospel of John 1.1).

The drum has always been staying the most common instrument second only to the human voice.

It comes in a variety of flavors, and has been known and used since ancient times in virtually all cultures. More than 1600 variants are presented in The Grove Dictionary of Musical Instruments (Blades 1984 610) ^[137] : Madala, mridanga, p(a)uke, samba, tambo (ur) and trom(me) to name a few. This instrument is called a Trom in the North-European languages and tambour in southern Europe. That drum skin vibrates by sound, ganna, seid lätir, galdr (Fritzner 1877 181), ^[138] was the custom among the Saami in the past. A membranofon was a way to evoke mysterious characters or runes on the drum, bumba (Schefferus 1673 137). ^[139] To turn on the drum is not mentioned in the sagas or in the older literature on the finns (Fritzner 1877 161). ^[140] Ganna was framfört of shaman / noite, but this ceased in the Middle Ages along with shifting cultivation. The vibration was made by beating on the drum during the performances of gandreid / hahmleypur, which now could be performed by a woman, volve.

Stationary agriculture was poisoned far more by ergot than shifting cultivation had ever been, and while there were fewer shamans, there were far more volves. There were several more stationary grain fields, and thus the collection of black grains, meldröie, and nõgitera from the grain fields was more common.

Lesbian women had use for medicine for their work as wise women and doctors. Ergot was finely ground and mixed with butter for medicinal use. This ointment was a useful drug when it contained a small dose of ergot. But a stronger mix was also used by the old witch for greasing the broomstick every time she went out for a ride. The witch ointmented the broomstick which rubbed against the thin skin of the vulva, leading not only to orgasm, but to an appropriate narcotic state. A seasoned witch could grade the amount of toxin.

We know her as "The witch with the broom." There was a growing drug problem, which was at its peak during the Little Ice Age, and it brought with it a number of witches to court. Drums (kansi) that produce sound from tight membranes can be switched on, pulled in, rubbed, or sung upon. Drum skin gets energy from the voice that transforms the frequency of the skin itself. The drum has been used both for a variety of ceremonial and ritual actions, and is attributed magical powers. Many types of drums have been used since far back in time (Blades 1984 601). ^[141]

One type of drum that is attuned to the voice was developed in Turkey after the earliest migration of Indo-European tribes of Asia Minor and westward to Spain. There it is called the zambomba, and in the Basque, tambor. In Catalonia and the Balearic Islands, special events today still call for this instrument with accompanying song.

It is used in the ancient literature. Mridanga means, "to have part of the earth" or "mud-drum," which points back to the camp of the paste that was used for tuning of the drum. The tuning was conducted by using this paste, consisting of clay, flour and water (sometimes also cooked rice, ash and / or iron chips). The paste was attached to the drum skin at specific locations to lower the tune to the right (Kaufmann 1967 220). ^[142]

The only written source about the early mridanga is the dramatic Nàtyasàstra, a Sanskrit text on dance, drama and music, learned through the saga of Bharata in 100 AD. This work provides some details of a compound called mridanga drum in the chapter on membranofones. This scattered data reflects the repetitive rhythm of the text, but also the composition as a higher unit: the three puskarer, rain clouds, a blue lotus and Dyaus, water reservoir, the lost drum, panava and bowl-drum dardura. Their origin is attributed to the saga Svàti, polar star, which made them using the immortal blacksmith Visvakarman. He imitated the god’s drums for meditation at the rain strength on lotus leaves in the monsoon season (Dick Powers, Geekie 1984 694). ^[143]

From ca.1200 to 700 BC the Frygeans had their kingdom in central Anatolia, before they withdrew to the east. Cybele was their protector of fire; the mother of mountains, who ran across the sky in a chariot, harnessed with two lions and powered by the sun. She is sculpted with a tambourine, drum in hand, and she was worshiped by male ecstatic dancing and drumming (Korybantes, Pyrrhichios).

During the excavation of Catalhöyük in Turkey in the 1960’s, it small statuettes of clay in the many cultural layers were found, which were dated from 7500 to 5700 BC. Among these was a female figure seated on a throne with lions as armrests. This was one of several small figures, which were found in the city's grain bins. The place has had up to eight culture layers with abandonment in between. During these periods the forest has grown again, before the next settlement. The upper layers of the findings can be interpreted as stationary field cultivation and domestication of animals.

Pliny the Elder (23-79 AD) wrote that emmerhweat (far, adoremus) was held in honor. Vesta was the Roman goddess of fire and the home herd. She was celebrated from June 7-15, and the holy eternal fire was renewed annually on March 1. Vestalinnene provided it, and they made a paste by mixing crushed boiled emmerhweat with salt, Mola Salsa (saltmel), trolldeig, and immolation. When the emperor Constantius II ordered the statue of Victoria and altar to be removed from the Senate 356 AD, he attracted the wrath of non-Christians who aimed to keep the old gods and rituals. It was at this altar that senators swore the oath to the Roman Empire. The altar was restored, for it had angered the gods, and both pestilence and famine broke out. The church claimed that both the Senate and now Christianity were in danger, and the battle ended with the altar being removed for good. The Christians were also heard, when Emperor Theodosius forbade the renewal of Vesta's fire in the year 391 AD.

Precursors of Indo-European languages were spoken in the fourth millennium BC in South-Eastern Europe. Among others, Hittites and later Frygeans had their residence in central Anatolia. The possible home for a late Neolithic culture was the low mountains and plains from the northwest of the Caucasus to the Caspian Sea (Friedrich 1966 27). ^[144] Swidden cultures depend on a well-developed language; svedjekulturer can thus be described as literal cultures with sophisticated language yoke, in which new words are formed with ease. When Finnish was not understood, it ofte formed new written German and Scandinavian words based on sound and / or meaning of the term. For example, the Finnish immigrants brought with them a snerpelöst grains. They called it "heaven’s grain" because it would originate from Himalaja (Lindtorp 1946 90). ^[145]

In the "Finnbygden" 22 (1): 12, 1969 A.Nystedt writes about the grains. This grain was considered to denote the sacred. It was cooked as whole grains and served as holiday food. It was sought after for its good taste and its great golden seeds, which seemed good in blood pai, soup, and other delicacies. In autumn of 1956, on Svenshöjden in Viggen, I was told they had cultivated this kind of grain in an enclosure (aed) immediately below the old cottage. The grain ears were crunchy, for early maturity made its grain fall lightly on the ground. Therefore, this small field was well fenced. They called it also "jumalakorn". Jumala is an old poetic word for heaven, the church also uses; jumala teenistus is worship, jumalik is heavenly. "Ära põlga jumalavilja": heavens grain is not to be despised (Eesti Vanasõnad, 1983 9173, Ahokas 2006 ).^[146] Taiwaan-ohra is the same (Lönnrot 1930 652). ^[147] The word "heavens barley" is the same in German, "himmelsgerste".

A rune has five syllables in each line and the alliterative line: Vaka Vanha Väinämöinen (Steady old Väinämöinen) --- singing his holy songs. Runes were an important help for memory, but together with arable farming came a paradigm shift for poetry as well. Runes got new names and functions, but the old form remained. In the Nordic and the German language it came to be "vise" in the 14-1600's. Song of Solomon was, "Saalomoni korkea veisu" and "ülem viis" in Finnish and Estonian. Great singer and the sharp Väinämöinen the Kalevala, Vanemoine in Kalevipoeg was spelled in different ways. "Lind ei laula viisita": the bird does not sing without it being a show of it. "Igal linnul oma viis" means any bird is singing with its beak (Eesti Vanasõnad 1983, 5918 5900). Although the word vise is song (laul). Vise was considered a sign of popular, primitive, and inferior cultural expression as song until mid 1900 - and in some places even longer.

A detailed introduction to the cultural context is often necessary to understand the meaning of a folk song, vise. The number five (viisi) was a special number; the sum of the first and the last digit in front of five (1+4) and the sum of the two in between (2+3) are both equal to five. There are written dissertations on the number five. A song (vise) has often five verses that tell a story or describe a course of events, and often have a moral or political motivation.

I choose once more "The old woman with the stick." This vise has five syllables in each line and five lines in each verse, as well as five verses in the version I know. Visa describes the old woman in ergot intoxication, but she is married in the fifth verse. The milkmaid at the dairy farm had both the rod, stick, spatula and turu at her disposal, but then a man came into her life and proposed marriage. There are several songs, viser, about Kari and Ola, farmers in the valley. "Mary and John, they were a couple of people who had no kettle, but cooked in a hulk ---". The vise was probably a Nordmarka forest - finn. "The old woman with the stick": expostulating with a valley woman's excessive abuse of ergot-ointment as an erotic stimulus, and the vise live today without ergot; an old woman with a stick high up in the Haka Valley eight pots sour cream; four Marks of butter that was made by Kari, Ola had hay Old woman with a stick.

Old woman with a rod jumped over the stream then fell into the water, and she was wet then she went home, then cooked porridge Old woman with a rod.

Old woman with a wooden spoon set high up in the hill then she was aware of the Trolls there bloody was the guys before the elections here Old woman with a wooden spoon.

Old woman with a turua set high up in the pine then came a hare jumping by He said, you are left up there Old woman with a turua.

The old woman she struggled then came a man, and engaged her will you be woman, shall I be the man will you make the coffee, I will fetch water The old woman she struggled.

Norwegian folk tales have adopted many elements from swidden finns. P.Chr. Asbjörnsen had heard many tales and legends from the Nordmarka forest and Solör before he went out on his grant in 1851. He writes: "The deep forests with dairy farms and mountain ranges gave favorable conditions for folk poetry satisfaction and flowering." It has been argued that the language difference and hostility has prevented the spread of poetry, but I cannot find anything that indicates that this is correct. In any case, the transition of poetry from Finnforest to "Norway" is obvious and provable. It may be mentioned here only a few scattered examples: "Soria Moria" is Finnish and means a great stone wall that term for the king's palace, in contrast to the small timber cottage for the common man. "Askeladden" is descended from the verb askeldama - askeldad(a)en, which means to wander here and there, step by step, "Emäntimäisen saanut; Vaimo vieras kun Venakko - Ei sano Emon sanoja - Käy ei äitin askelilla, - Virkko viesahan sanoja - Käypi armon askelille "(Kaukonen 1984 I, 63) ^[148]

Stepmother language; Lady stranger who captured, say not a mother's words, If not with a parent step, outer a stranger words, Taking of faltering step. "Tyrihans" is Too(be)r - Ants of the brave / stately Ants / Hans. Story of the fox as a shepherd, I'll have you as a shepherd, said the woman after hearing the fox lure, "Dill - dall - holom" fox would lure the animals to him with solicitation of traditional hunter's game: I dul - dulom - dulom - idulle, i hul - hulom - hulom – i hulle. Smörbukk who would go out to see why the dog "Gold Tooth" is barking, he may be a finnforester, which was used to a dog named Gultan meaning the dearest friend (dog). "Metsän kultanen kuningas" (Kaukonen 1984 II, 344). ^[149]

When the children play they often use - " elle melle "as is, "ellän vielä" not one more. "Ellin velli; Elli keitti vellii - Omalla kapustallansa - Omist` otrajauhoistansa; - Velli kaatu karsinahan - Ellin lapset lakkimahan, - Elli itse itkemähän - Muupere murajamahan "(Kaukonen 1984 I, 224). ^[150] Elli's gruel; Elli boiled gruel - with special equipment - without barley flour – gruel pot overturned - Elli's children began to lick - Elli began to cry - the rest of the family grumbled. Akka bakka bunkarakka etla metla sjong dong fili fong isa bisa topp; is " Ukko hakka puunkarakka etäällä mettä "- The man chopping the tree south of the forest. Ellinga vellinga vaterlands gutten - "Ellän vielä vattiansukka" why not a felt sock more. "Brum baskeni bumba" is he struck on the drum. Snip snap snute, is "nips naps nouha" a little schnapps in a bowl / collect, select, pick out. " Sanat sulavat suussa " is the words melt is in the mouth. Funny finnish formulations, robust rune-rows that reconcile, sharpened and strengthened by the song, made to be read out.

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