Melisende, Queen of Jerusalem

Melisende was the eldest daughter of Baldwin of Bourcq, a Frankish crusader, and Morphia of Melitene, an Armenian noblewoman of the Greek Orthodox faith.^[1] Melisende's parents probably married in 1100 according to historian Bernard Hamilton;^[1] his colleague Jaroslav Folda dates Melisende's birth to around 1110 or a little earlier.^[2] Melisende and two of her sisters, Alice and Hodierna, were born while their father, also known as Baldwin II, was the count of Edessa.^[1] Folda thus believes that Melisende was born in Edessa.^[2] In 1118 Baldwin set out on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem; he arrived to find that his cousin King Baldwin I had died and was proclaimed the new king of Jerusalem.^[1] Melisende gained another sister, Ioveta, after her parents were crowned king and queen in 1119.^[3]

 

The four crusader states of the Levant–the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the Principality of Antioch, and the counties of Tripoli and Edessa–were created by Franks, the Latin Christians who successfully invaded the region and defeated its Muslim rulers in the First Crusade in 1099.^[4] These states were in a near constant state of war, and men were responsible for the defense.^[5] Baldwin II was the first Latin ruler of Jerusalem to have children; yet all four of his children were daughters, and no rules had yet developed in the crusader states regarding female succession.^[6] The marriage of Melisende's parents was happy despite there being no male heir to the kingdom.^[1] Her mother, Morphia, took no part in the public life of the kingdom.^[7]

Queen Morphia died in 1126 or 1127. Since he no longer expected to have a son, King Baldwin started providing for his daughters and settling his succession.^[6] Melisende, the oldest daughter, was to be his heir. Alice, the second oldest, was married to Prince Bohemond II of Antioch in 1126. Hodierna, the third daughter, may have been betrothed to Raymond of Tripoli already at this time. Ioveta, the youngest, was sent to a nunnery, which historian Hans E. Mayer believes was "the safest way" to ensure that her status as a porphyrogenita (born to the reigning king) would not threaten Melisende's claim.^[8]

In late 1127 or, less likely, early 1128 an embassy led by the prince of Galilee, William I of Bures, and Guy I Brisebarre was sent to France to arrange a marriage for Melisende. After conferring with King Louis VI, the embassy arrived in early 1128 at the court of Count Fulk V of Anjou, who had not expected them.^[8] Some historians, including Steven Runciman,^[9] have concluded that Fulk was selected by Louis. Mayer asserts that Fulk was chosen by an assembly held in the Kingdom of Jerusalem before the embassy departed, citing the chronicler William of Tyre, and that the embassy only sought Louis's consent, which was necessary because Fulk was Louis's vassal.^[8] On 29 May 1128 Pope Honorius II endorsed Fulk in a letter sent to Baldwin.^[10] Fulk was already an experienced ruler.^[11] He had been to Jerusalem on a pilgrimage in 1120 and left a good impression by personally providing for a force of 100 knights for a year.^[12] His wife, Eremburga of Maine, died in late 1126,^[12] and he already had grown children.^[11]

 

While the embassy was in Europe, Baldwin started associating Melisende with him in official documents: in a charter from March 1129 she as a witness takes precedence over all the clergy, and in another she again heads the list of witnesses and is explicitly called "daughter of the king and heir of the kingdom".^[13][14] Mayer initially believed that Melisende had been declared heir before the embassy was sent to France, but eventually concluded that her official recognition was a condition imposed by Fulk before he would agree to come to Jerusalem and marry her.^[14] Mayer argues that Fulk saw a useful precedent in the formal recognition of Empress Matilda, who married Fulk's son Geoffrey Plantagenet in June 1128, as the heir presumptive to her father, King Henry I of England.^[15]

Having relinquished the counties of Anjou and Maine to his son Geoffrey, Fulk arrived in the Kingdom of Jerusalem with the embassy in May 1129.^[12] He was "short, wiry, red-haired, middle-aged", and Melisende found him unattractive. Their marriage was celebrated before 2 June "amid great festivities and rejoicing".^[16] King Baldwin bestowed upon them, as Melisende's dowry, the cities of Acre and Tyre. These were the most lucrative parts of the royal domain and were to be held by the couple during the king's lifetime.^[12] In the first half of 1130 Melisende gave birth to a son, Baldwin.^[11] Some time between 1129 and 1131 the lord of Oultrejordain, Roman of Le Puy, led a revolt against Melisende's father. Mayer surmises that Roman refused to accept female succession. Roman failed and lost his lordship as a result.^[17]

 

The prince of Antioch, whom Melisende's sister Alice had married, died in 1130. King Baldwin, father of Melisende and Alice, intervened to prevent a coup by Alice.^[18] He left Count Joscelin I of Edessa in charge of the principality until a marriage could be arranged for Alice's infant daughter, Constance.^[19] The king fell seriously ill after returning. In August 1131 he had himself carried to the house of the Latin patriarch of Jerusalem, wishing to die near the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. There he summoned Melisende, Fulk, and their infant son, and proceeded to confer the kingdom on the three of them. King Baldwin II died on 21 August. Melisende and Fulk were crowned in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre on 14 September, the Holy Cross Day. They were the first monarchs to be crowned in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.^[18]

Joscelin died soon after Baldwin II, and Alice took the opportunity to again seize power in Antioch. Fulk invaded at the invitation of Antiochene barons and installed a new government in the principality.^[20]

 

Early in her queenship Melisende found herself deprived of the power she had possessed during her father's lifetime. Fulk did not associate her in any of his public acts for the first five years of the new reign.^[11] Fulk deliberately attempted to remove Melisende from power,^[21] which was in contravention of both their marriage contract and Baldwin II's last will.^[22] Melisende's exclusion from power was not just a matter of protocol: without a role in the government she could not grant appointments and land.^[23] In 1134 noblemen led by Melisende's second cousin and vassal Count Hugh II of Jaffa revolted against Fulk.^[24] The reasons are not entirely clear.^[25] Hamilton agrees with Mayer's conclusion that the conflict originated from Fulk's replacement of the kingdom's established nobility with newcomers from Anjou.^[23] The noblemen may have expected to be protected by the queen from the king's designs if they succeeded in restoring to her the place in government her father had intended for her to have.^[26] Historian Malcolm Barber argues that Melisende must have been involved in the revolt but concedes that her role is unknown.^[27]

William of Tyre recorded the rumour that the queen was having an illicit relationship with the "young and very handsome" count, drawing the king's ire.^[17] Hamilton and Mayer both discount the gossip. Mayer argues that William himself did not believe the rumour^[28] and that a medieval queen, being constantly attended by the members of her household and the court, would have found it exceedingly difficult to have a secret lover.^[29] Hamilton, on the other hand, argues that public opinion, spearheaded by the clergy, would have sided with Fulk and not, as it did, with Melisende if she had committed adultery.^[23] Mayer suggests that the rumors may have been spread by Fulk to both get rid of Hugh and to have Melisende locked up in a monastery, circumventing Baldwin II's will.^[21]

 

Hugh's stepson Walter I Grenier, lord of Caesarea, openly accused him of treason in the curia regis.^[11] Mayer suggests that Walter may have been incited to make this accusation. Hugh denied the charge and was challenged to a trial by combat but did not appear. The king thus obtained a legal reason to confiscate Hugh's County of Jaffa. Fulk laid siege to Jaffa, but the Latin patriarch of Jerusalem intervened and mediated a peace: Hugh would cede Jaffa to the king and receive it back after spending three years in exile. Before he could leave for Europe Hugh was stabbed in the street by a knight.^[28] After recovering he went into his exile, where he died.^[30] The assassination attempt was widely suspected to have been ordered by King Fulk;^[23] though Fulk's involvement was never proven, his reputation was severely damaged.^[31]

Melisende was incensed by Fulk's treatment of Hugh and the slight on her honor.^[23][32] Fulk's men did not dare appear in her presence. The queen directed most of her wrath at Rohard the Elder, whom she held most responsible for influencing Fulk. Fulk himself did not feel safe around his wife's supporters.^[31] Mayer suggests that for this reason Fulk stayed in Antioch in 1135.^[29] The court was disrupted until third parties mediated a reconciliation between the king and queen. After persistent attempts Fulk succeeded in obtaining Melisende's pardon for Rohard and his other supporters, who were then able to appear at court again.^[31] From then on Fulk, in the words of William of Tyre, "did not attempt to take the initiative, even in trivial matters, without her knowledge".^[23]

Fulk never again issued a charter pertaining to the Kingdom of Jerusalem without Melisende's consent.^[21] He did not seek Melisende's consent where he did not have to, however. He based his regency for Melisende's niece Constance of Antioch on the decision of the barons of the principality, and Melisende had no claim to it.^[33] According to Barber, maintaining hostilities with Fulk was not in Melisende's interest after she was restored to power. He notes that Melisende needed to strengthen her succession, which had hitherto rested on only one son; and that she wished to influence Fulk's policies in Antioch, as her sister Alice once again seized power in the principality. Melisende did successfully intercede with Fulk not to interfere with her sister's actions. He returned from Antioch in late 1135, and the royal couple conceived another child.^[27] A son, Amalric, was born in 1136.^[34]

 

Another tangible result of the royal couple's reconciliation is the luxurious Melisende Psalter, which Fulk commissioned as a personal prayer book for Melisende around 1135.^[35] The psalter, bound in ivory covers joined by embroidered silk, reflects the amalgamation of Western, Greek, and Armenian cultures in the crusader states.^[36]

Melisende's intervention did not guarantee Alice's fortunes for long: she lost her regency in Antioch, this time permanently, when Raymond of Poitiers arrived to marry her still-underage daughter, Constance, in 1136.^[37] The queen was also determined to make provisions for her youngest sisters, Hodierna and Ioveta, who were children when their father died. Hodierna married the count of Tripoli, Raymond II, sometime before 1138. Barber believes the union to have been arranged by Melisende in an attempt to link the ruling houses of all the crusader states. Ioveta, who had been sent to be raised in a nunnery during Baldwin II's reign, took vows as a nun in 1134.^[38] Melisende believed that Ioveta was of too high birth to be a mere nun and decided that she should be made an abbess instead.^[34] Barber finds it difficult to tell how much Melisende was motivated by affection in her relationships with her sisters, particularly noting that "there is no way of knowing" whether Ioveta wished to live a monastic life or if Melisende induced her to remove her as a political threat.^[38]

Melisende decided to build a convent at Bethany, which was close enough to Jerusalem for her to maintain contact.^[39] In February 1138 she and Fulk persuaded the patriarch and the canons of the Holy Sepulchre to cede the church at Bethany and its dependent villages so that a new religious community could be built there. The Convent of Saint Lazarus, as it came to be known, was in construction for six years. Melisende so generously endowed the convent with estates, golden and silver sacred vessels with precious stones, silks, and ecclesiastical robes that she made it richer than any other monastery or church in the kingdom.^[40] Initially Melisende installed an elderly abbess. When the abbess died, Ioveta succeeded as Melisende intended, and Melisende sent further gifts, namely books, ornaments, and chalices.^[36] In the construction and endowment of Bethany's convent Hamilton sees a "spectacular" example of Melisende's power of patronage.^[34]

In 1338 the king and queen started associating their elder son, Baldwin, in their acts.^[34] Fulk continuously worked to secure the borders of the kingdom against the Fatimids of Egypt, who launched raids from the south,^[41] and against the Turkish atabeg of Mosul, Zengi, who threatened the Latins from the east.^[42] These efforts continued through the late 1130s and early 1140s, with the construction of the castles of Bethgibelin, Ibelin, and Blanchegarde.^[41] Melisende, meanwhile, maintained a firm control over the Church.^[43] The foundation of the Convent of Saint Lazarus was her principal monastic achievement but from the late 1130s she oversaw a further expansion of religious institutions, including the endowment of the Temple of the Lord with extensive land in Samaria^[43] and several grants of land to the Holy Sepulchre.^[44] Barber considers her responsible for the promotion of the Temple's prior, Geoffrey, to abbot in 1137.^[43] At the same time the queen consistently supported the Syriac Orthodox Church and ensured that they recover the property they had lost upon the Frankish conquest.^[45][44] She worked to improve relations with the Armenian Church as well; its leader, the catholicos, attended a synod of the Latin Church in Jerusalem in 1140. The Greek Orthodox Monstery of Saint Sabas also received an endowment from Melisende.^[44] Her lavish gifts became legendary and earned her a reputation as a devoutly religious woman, but Mayer argues that she was primarily a shrewd politician and that through her donations she was buying the Church's political support.^[46]

 

 

 

Fulk hunting with Melisende and being thrown from his horse (left), Melisende mourning Fulk (center), and Melisende's coronation with Baldwin III (right)

In late 1143 the court was at Acre, enjoying a period of peace. On 7 November Melisende expressed a wish to have a picnic. While they were riding in the countryside, Fulk galloped off in pursuit of a hare. His horse stumbled and threw him off, and the heavy saddle struck him on the head. He was carried unconscious to Acre, where he died on 10 November.^[47] Melisende made a public demonstration of grief and then proceeded to take full charge of the government.^[48] There was no royal election because Melisende had already been consecrated and anointed in 1131.^[49]

Melisende underwent a second coronation at Christmas, this time together with her son, Baldwin III, who was also consecrated and anointed on this occasion.^[50] The rites were performed by the patriarch, William of Messines.^[51] All power was in Melisende's hands;^[48] Baldwin was 13 at the time and Melisende became his guardian.^[50] The queen is commonly said to have acted as her son's regent, but neither she nor the chronicler William of Tyre saw her rule as a regency. Citing William's statement that royal power came to Melisende through hereditary right, Hamilton concludes that she was "not a regent, but the queen regnant".^[48] Baldwin started issuing charters in 1144 at the latest, when he issued one without reference to Melisende; Mayer believes that Melisende soon forbade that any charters be issued in her son's name only.^[52]

Melisende's first action, as had been her husband's or of any contemporary ruler, was to appoint supporters to the kingdom's offices.^[53] As a woman, Melisende could not command the army.^[48] She appointed her first cousin Manasses of Hierges, who had recently arrived to the kingdom, to conduct military affairs in her name as constable.^[53] The appointment of Manasses to the post rather than one of her subjects ensured the preservation of the royal authority.^[48]

Besides Manasses, the queen's inner circle comprised the lord of Nablus, Philip of Milly; the prince of Galilee, Elinand of Tiberias; and the viscount, Rohard the Elder.^[53] Philip's family had been undermined early in Fulk's reign, and Barber believes this may explain Philip's loyalty to Melisende. Elinand was the son of William of Bures, and he commanded more knights than any other lord in the kingdom. Rohard had incurred the queen's wrath in the early 1130s by supporting her husband's attempt to exclude her, but he was a key figure in the city of Jerusalem and apparently both were content to make peace. Through the support of Philip, Elinand, and Rohard, Melisende controlled Jerusalem and the regions of Samaria and Galilee, all of which contained parts of the royal domain.^[43]

Melisende received a letter of encouragement from the famed monk Bernard of Clairvaux in 1144 or 1145, but in his next letter to the queen Bernard mentioned hearing "certain evil reports" of her.^[54] Barber suggests that the "evil reports" might be the claim of an anonymous Premonstratensian monk from Mountjoy, who wrote that in 1148 Melisende had poisoned Count Alfonso Jordan of Toulouse and arranged for the capture of his son and daughter by the Muslims. The monk wrote that the queen did this to ensure that Alfonso Jordan, a relative of the counts of Tripoli, would not threaten the possession of Tripoli by her brother-in-law Raymond and sister Hodierna.^[55] Melisende was on good terms with the Premonstratensians, however, and Barber atttributes the monk's hostility to the "endemic misogyny of the monastic world".^[54]

In filling the offices with trusted men Melisende had her eye on the chancery too.^[56] She had no desire to retain Elias,^[56] who had been her husband's confidant,^[57] so she arranged for him to become bishop of Tiberias, a promotion he could not have refused.^[56] In 1145 Melisende appointed Ralph, another newcomer, to succeed Elias as chancellor; Ralph was "almost certainly" the same man who had been chancellor to the English queen Matilda of Boulogne, Melisende's kinswoman, and thus had Melisende's trust.^[43] In January 1146 the archbishop of Tyre, Fulcher of Angoulême, was elected to the patriarchate, succeeding William of Messines, who had died in September 1145.^[58] Melisende insisted that Ralph be appointed to the vacated see of Tyre. Barber holds that Fulcher must have risen to the patriarchate with Melisende's support, yet he led the opposition to her choice of Ralph.^[45] The conflict over the see of Tyre marked the only time Melisende was at odds with the Church.^[46]

Immediately after his coronation Baldwin III sought to assert himself in warfare, the one field in which he had advantage over his mother, and in 1144 he quelled a revolt at Wadi Musa.^[56] The queen and the constable faced their first crisis already in November, when Zengi of Mosul besieged Edessa.^[59] The Edessenes appealed to the young king for help, but it was Melisende who made the decisions.^[56] She called a council, and it was decided that Manasses, Philip, and Elinand should lead a relief force.^[60] Mayer believes that the young king was not sent because Melisende resented his success at Wadi Musa;^[56] he argues that the queen did not wish to see her son gain a reputation as a military leader lest it lead to him becoming a threat to her political leadership.^[61] Barber suggests that Melisende did not send Baldwin because she thought that the gravity of the situation required experienced adults. In any case, the army did not reach Edessa in time:^[60] the city fell to the Turks, who spared its Armenian and Greek population but "killed the Franks wherever they could".^[59] Baldwin III came of age on his fifteenth birthday in early 1145,^[50] but the occasion was not publicly celebrated.^[48]

Zengi was assassinated in September 1146.^[62] Count Joscelin II of Edessa attempted to retake his city, and King Baldwin invaded the Hauran, but both were defeated by Zengi's son Nur al-Din.^[63] Mayer is certain that Melisende blamed Baldwin for the failure to take the Hauran, saying that it may explain how Melisende was able to reduce Baldwin's position by associating her younger son, Amalric, in a subsequent charter. The inclusion of Amalric was, in Mayer's words, "an application of the principle divide et impera", and served to increase Melisende's power at Baldwin's expense.^[64]

 

The news of the fall of Edessa shocked Europe,^[65] and Pope Eugene III began calling for the Second Crusade.^[66] Kings Louis VII of France and Conrad III of Germany arrived to the Levant with their families and vassals, accompanied by papal legates. The leaders of Jerusalem were concerned that Louis would be diverted by Prince Raymond of Antioch, and were relieved when Raymond fell out with the king. The crusaders were met at Palmarea on 24 June 1148^[67] by a Jerusalem contingent consisting of Queen Melisende, King Baldwin, Patriarch Fulcher, the archbishops and the bishops, the masters of the holy orders, and the leading noblemen; it was the most impressive gathering of dignitaries ever held in the Latin East.^[68] A decision to attack Damascus had already been reached in April by Baldwin, Conrad, and Fulcher in a much smaller meeting, which Melisende apparently did not attend. The patriarch usually took her side over Baldwin's and would have advocated her opinion, but right at this time the two were at odds over the appointment of her chancellor, Ralph, to the see of Tyre.^[67] Mayer surmises, while admitting that it cannot be known for certain, that Melisende must have been opposed to the decision to attack Damascus because Damascus was a valuable ally against Nur al-Din and because the conquest of such a great city would have earned Baldwin enough prestige to challenge her supremacy.^[69]

During the ensuing siege of Damascus the crusaders were falsely advised by certain persons who had been bribed to betray them,^[70] leading to a swift and humiliating defeat.^[68] Mayer considered the possibility that Melisende first supported the expedition only to then engineer its failure in a bid to destroy Baldwin's military and political reputation, noting that it would have been a politically reckless game. The outcome was a major setback for Baldwin, but he was not completely crushed.^[69] In 1149, after the death of Prince Raymond in another disastrous defeat of the Christians by Nur al-Din, Baldwin hastened to assume responsibility for Antioch.^[71] Melisende used her son's failure at Damascus, and possibly his journey to Antioch, to further reduce his position: from 1149 she no longer issued charters jointly with him,^[71] but merely allowed him to consent.^[72]

 

The dispute with the Church over the appointment of her chancellor, Ralph, to the see of Tyre reached its peak by 1149 and became a serious issue for Melisende as rift grew between her and Baldwin.^[46] In order to retain the Church as an ally she either dismissed Ralph as her chancellor or forced him to resign.^[73] She could not appoint a new chancellor without her co-ruler's consent, however, and the chancery thus collapsed.^[74] Instead, mother and son relied each on their own scriptorium, which avoided an open break in their co-reign but marked an unprecedented division of royal power.^[75]

The death of her trusted and most important vassal Elinand, prince of Galilee, c. 1149 was a setback for Melisende.^[75] Two claimants to Galilee emerged, Simon and William, and Mayer concludes that the king supported the former while the queen supported the latter.^[76] After the capture of the count of Edessa in 1150, Baldwin summoned the lords to march with him to Antioch, but those loyal to Melisende refused.^[77] This was, in Mayer's mind, the queen's attempt to prevent Baldwin from making any military success, and specifically from fulfilling the traditional role of the kings of Jerusalem in protecting the northern crusader states.^[78] Baldwin went anyway with the small force he could muster.^[79]

Mayer considers it clear from the surviving charters that from 1150 Melisende was preparing for a showdown with Baldwin: she set up her own administrative machinery and gathered the lords loyal to her.^[80] In 1150 she procured for her cousin and constable, Manasses, the hand of Helvis of Ramla, widow of her supporter Barisan of Ibelin. This angered Barisan's sons, Hugh, Baldwin, and Balian, because it led to them losing land in Ramla.^[53] Baldwin, for his part, held Manasses responsible for his estrangement from his mother.^[81] Melisende further consolidated her position against Baldwin in 1151 when she made her younger son, Amalric, count of Jaffa.^[82]

Baldwin began to move in early 1152. He demanded that the patriarch crown him on Easter without crowning Melisende, which would signify that Baldwin would from then on be the sole ruler.^[83] Patriarch Fulcher refused,^[83] for the Church supported Melisende.^[84] On Easter Monday Baldwin staged a solemn procession through Jerusalem, the seat of Melisende's power, wearing a laurel wreath instead of a crown.^[84][81] He then summoned the High Court and requested a division of the kingdom between him and his mother.^[81] For Hamilton, this request was "criminally irresponsible" because the kingdom was too small to survive a division;^[81] yet Mayer argues that Melisende had de facto divided the kingdom over the previous two years.^[85] At the meeting Melisende argued that the entire kingdom belonged to her by hereditary right, implying that Baldwin was the one usurping her right, but agreed to the division.^[85] The queen retained the regions of Judaea and Samaria while Baldwin held Acre and Tyre.^[81][85]

The division of the kingdom was short-lived.^[81][85] Baldwin declared that the land he had been allocated was insufficient to financially support him as king. Realizing her son's intentions, Melisende moved from the unfortified town of Nablus to Jerusalem. Baldwin defeated Manasses at Mirabel and exiled him, then swiftly occupied Nablus, and moved with his force onto Jerusalem. Some of the lords in Melisende's portion deserted her; those who remained loyal until the end included her son Amalric, Philip of Milly, and Rohard the Elder. Upon hearing of her elder son's advance, Melisende retired with her household and followers to the citadel in the Tower of David. Patriarch Fulcher at this point declared the Church's full support for the queen. He went out of the city with his clergy to admonish the king, only to return angrily after Baldwin rebuffed him.^[86] The king set up camp outside the city, after which the citizens opened the gates to him. He then proceeded to bombard the Tower with siege engines, but could not make progress because the besieged defended themselves valiantly.^[87]

Despite being strongly fortified and well stocked, the Tower could not resist indefinitely, and so Melisende stood no chance of winning.^[87][81] After several days a settlement was negotiated, possibly by churchmen.^[81] Melisende might have been expected to retire to the convent of Bethany, but Hamilton posits that she held out for better terms, which saw her gain Nablus and adjacent lands for life along with her son's promise not to disturb her.^[88] Nablus would provide a substantial income but, being unfortified, could not be turned into a centre of military power.^[87] In these terms Hamilton sees evidence that, although she lost the war, Melisende retained powerful allies.^[88] Mayer argues that Melisende agreed to abstain from politics, to rule Nablus not as queen but as any city lord would, and to act only with the king's consent.^[87] The eight-year-long struggle between mother and son was thus over by 20 April 1152^[87]–as was Melisende's sixteen-year-long authority.^[88]

Baldwin summoned a general assembly of the crusader states at Tripoli in mid-1152 with the aim of inducing his widowed cousin Constance, princess of Antioch, to remarry and so relieve him of the responsibility for the principality.^[88][89] The attendees included the princess and her vassals and clergy as well as the count and countess of Tripoli. Though she was apparently neither summoned nor invited, Melisende also participated; she just came.^[89] Ostensibly she was there to help settle the marital problems of her sister Countess Hodierna and brother-in-law Count Raymond of Tripoli. Hamilton considers this a clever move because she could not be prevented from paying a visit to her sister, and once in Tripoli had to be invited to discuss her niece's marriage.^[88] Nothing was achieved.^[89] The sisters set out for Jerusalem, and for a short distance they were accompanied by Hodierna's husband. As he was returning to Tripoli, he was killed by Assassins.^[90] The sisters returned to Tripoli for the funeral, after which Baldwin escorted Melisende home.^[91] Hodierna assumed rule over Tripoli as regent for her young son, Raymond III. Hamilton believes that from then on Baldwin's control over Antioch and Tripoli, ruled by Melisende's niece and sister respectively, depended on him treating his mother with respect.^[92]

 

Mayer presumes that in the aftermath of their conflict Melisende and Baldwin hated each other intensely,^[91] yet took care to appear as a happy family.^[93] The mother made certain to mention her son's consent in all her acts, and the son honored her in return and allowed her to advise him. By sparing her public humiliation, Baldwin avoided goading her into challenging him.^[93] In 1153 he conquered Ascalon, proving himself as a military leader, and made peace with Melisende. From 1154 Melisende was associated in her son's public acts and he confirmed the grants she had made during their estrangement.^[92] Most of these were merely a matter of courtesy according to Mayer, but he did on occasion genuinely seek her counsel.^[93] From 1156 the queen regained a measure of political infuence, taking part in Baldwin's negotiation of a treaty with the Republic of Pisa in November.^[94] In 1157 she took a military initiative while the king was in Antioch.^[92] It is thanks to her insistence that the cave-fortress of el-Hablis, significant for controlling the territory of Gilead beyond the River Jordan, was attacked and recovered from the Muslims.^[92][94]

Melisende maintained her interest in the matters of religion. Barber argues that she continued her patronage of the Church as before her retirement.^[95] In 1157 her stepdaughter Countess Sibylla of Flanders, Fulk's daughter from his first marriage, arrived to Jerusalem on a pilgrimage and entered the convent of Bethany.^[36] Patriarch Fulcher died on 20 November, and though clergy assembled to elect his successor, Melisende intervened with her stepdaughter and one of her sisters, either Hodierna^[95] or Ioveta,^[92] to secure the appointment of Amalric of Nesle as the next patriarch.^[95][92]

 

Melisende's last public act was to assent with Baldwin to Amalric's donation to the Holy Sepulchre on 30 November 1160. In 1161 she fell ill, with her memory impaired; she may have had a stroke.^[96][95] Hodierna and Ioveta nursed her for several months.^[96] In the last weeks of her life Baldwin moved into Nablus, acquiring the land Philip of Milly held there. This was in breech of his agreement with his mother, but she was by then unaware of the outside world.^[97][98] She died on 11 September 1161.^[97] Barber estimates that she was probably in her early fifties.^[95] William of Tyre records that Baldwin was inconsolable; Mayer calls this "a fine public show of grief".^[97] Melisende was buried, like her mother, in the Abbey of Saint Mary of the Valley of Jehosaphat, which had always been dear to her.^[87] In her last will and testament she left property to, among others, the Orthodox Monastery of Saint Sabas.^[96] Baldwin barely outlived her, dying on 10 February 1163.^[98]

The chief source of information about Queen Melisende's life is Archbishop William of Tyre. He was only born in 1130, however, and from the death of Fulcher of Chartres in 1127 there was no resident chronicler in the crusader states.^[99] William was studying in Europe from 1145 to 1165, and only started writing his Historia in 1167.^[100] The late reign of Baldwin II and the reigns of Fulk and Melisende are therefore poorly documented and, as noted by Barber, "subject of much speculative argument among historians".^[101]

When recounting the conflict between Melisende and her son Baldwin III, William takes the queen's side. Mayer's explanation is that William was the court historian to King Amalric, the son who had sided with the queen and eventually succeeded Baldwin III, and that William was influenced by Melisende's lavish grants to the Church.^[102] William wrote:

She was a very wise woman, fully experienced in almost ail sphères of state business, who had completely triumphed over the handicap of her sex so that she could take charge of important affairs.^[103]

Barber notes that while William's description of Melisende as "wise and judicious beyond what is normal for a woman" may sound patronizing to a modern reader, it is particularly significant because he did not normally approve of the involvement of women in public affairs.^[51]

 

Hamilton agrees with William's judgement that, "striving to emulate the glory of the best princes... she ruled the kingdom with such ability that she was rightly considered to hâve equalled her predecessors in that regard". For Hamilton Melisende was "a truly remarkable woman" because for decades she exercised power in a kingdom where no woman had previously had a public role.^[103] Barber notes that William's opinion was not universally shared^[51] and that two of the greatest disasters suffered by the Franks in the Levant took place during her reign, namely the fall of Edessa in 1144 and the failed attempt to conquer Damascus in 1148, though he concedes that the extent of Melisende's responsibility cannot be determined. Barber contrasts this poor record with the conquest of Ascalon the year after she was deposed.^[54] Hamilton concludes that she was both cultured and devout, and argues that she should be recognized as a significant patron of artists.^[96]

Mayer criticizes Melisende for not voluntarily abdicating in favor of Baldwin III, declaring that "her thirst for power was greater than her wisdom".^[102] He insists that, "in spite of all the praise William of Tyre heaps on Melisende's abilities", her son was better suited to rule.^[83] Hamilton does not see why she should have felt the need to resign power to her "inexperienced" son, arguing that she was not a regent but the recognized co-ruler who governed well and enjoyed broad support.^[81] Mayer concludes that Melisende was "one of the most energetic among mediaeval queens".^[104]

• Barber, Malcolm (2012). The Crusader States. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0300189315.
• Folda, Jaroslav (2012). "Melisende of Jerusalem: Queen and Patron". In Martin, Therese (ed.). Reassessing the Roles of Women as 'Makers' of Medieval Art and Architecture. Vol. 1. Brill. ISBN 9004228322.
• Bernard, Hamilton (1978). Baker, Derek (ed.). "Women in the Crusader States: the Queens of Jerusalem". Medieval Women. Oxford: The Ecclesiastical Historical Society: 143–174. ISBN 0-631-12539-6.
• Mayer, Hans E. (1974). "Studies in the History of Queen Melisende of Jerusalem". Dumbarton Oaks Papers. Dumbarton Oaks.
• Mayer, Hans Eberhard (1985). "The Succession to Baldwin II of Jerusalem: English Impact on the East". Dumbarton Oak Papers. Dumbarton Oaks.
• Mayer, Hans Eberhard (1989). "Angevins versus Normans: The New Men of King Fulk of Jerusalem". Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society. 133 (1). University of Pennsylvania Press: 1–25.
• Runciman, Steven (1952). A History of the Crusades: The Kingdom of Jerusalem and the Frankish East, 1100-1187. Vol. 2. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0241298768.

 

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Melisende of Jerusalem.

• Melisende: Queen of Jerusalem on Medieval Archives Podcast