Umayyad invasion of Gaul

 

Francia was established and consolidated by Clovis, a notable ruler from a branch of the Germanic tribes that had settled between the Rhine River and the North Sea in the region of Flanders, later expanding along the middle Rhine and Moselle rivers. In 486 AD, Clovis conquered northern France, taking control from the last Roman governor, who had set up an independent state following the collapse of the Western Roman Empire. Clovis then turned his attention east of the Rhine, where he subdued the Germanic tribes, extending his realm as far as Bavaria.^[1]

In 507 AD, Clovis launched a campaign against the Visigoths, who had established themselves in southern Gaul (modern-day southern France). He defeated and killed King Alaric II,^[2] seizing territories between the Loire River and the Pyrenees Mountains, though the province of Septimania remained under Visigothic control. By doing so, Clovis laid the foundations for a large and powerful state, becoming the first King of the Franks and the founder of the Merovingian dynasty. He made Paris his royal capital, marking it as the seat of the Frankish Kingdom.

 

Clovis’s sons and successors continued his expansionist efforts, adding Burgundy, central Germania, and parts of northern Italy to the kingdom. However, internal strife ensued as the Frankish princes divided Clovis's legacy, leading to a series of civil wars. This internal conflict persisted until Clotaire II unified the kingdom in 613 AD, consolidating control over all of Gaul and resuming conquests east of the Rhine. His son, Dagobert I, maintained this unified control, reasserting Frankish dominance over western Germania.^[3]

Dagobert I was the last Merovingian ruler to hold effective centralized power. His successors were weak and indulged in luxuries, leading to the gradual decline of royal authority. As the central power diminished, local nobles and leaders asserted their autonomy, effectively fragmenting the kingdom into independent fiefdoms that only maintained nominal allegiance to the central authority in Paris.

As the power of the Merovingian kings weakened, a new political authority emerged at the Frankish court: the office of the Mayor of the Palace (Latin: Maior domus). Initially, this position was modest, with no political or administrative role, confined mainly to overseeing household matters within the royal court. However, by the early 7th century, it had evolved into a highly influential role, held by strong men with ambitions for power. Over time, the Mayor of the Palace became the most important political and administrative office in the Frankish kingdom, with its holder wielding real authority, often acting on behalf of the throne. In many cases, the Mayor ruled in the king's name, especially when the king was a minor, essentially becoming the de facto ruler as a regent or deputy.

 

The powerful Carolingian dynasty began to dominate this position during the reign of King Dagobert,^[4] and their growing influence threatened the Merovingian royal family. The Carolingians, the strongest faction of the Franks in Austrasia (eastern Francia), owned vast estates between the Rhine and Moselle rivers, led the nobility, and served as patrons of the Church. Their leader, the Mayor of the Palace, was granted the title Duke of the Franks, reflecting his authority, which increasingly surpassed that of the throne.

The collapse of Merovingian power led to the fragmentation of the Frankish kingdom and the independence of local nobles, each seeking autonomy, following the example of the Mayor of the Palace. Civil wars erupted between the Franks of Austrasia and those of Neustria (western Francia), resulting in the independence of the Duchy of Aquitaine in southern Gaul and much of the Germanic territories, which came under the control of various powerful princes.

By the late 7th century, the office of the Mayor of the Palace was held by a bold and ambitious Carolingian leader, Pepin of Herstal (French: Pépin d'Héristal). He fought rebellious factions in Frisia, Saxony, and Bavaria, bringing them under his control. Pepin ruled the Frankish kingdom in both the east and west with strength and determination for 27 years until his death in 715 AD, leaving his office to his young grandson, Theudoald, the son of his son Grimoald, who had been killed earlier. Pepin had another son from his wife Alpaida, Charles Martel, who was around 30 years old and strong at the time of his father's death. It was expected that Charles would succeed as Mayor of the Palace after the deaths of his two older brothers, Grimoald and Drogo. However, influenced by his first wife Plectrude, Pepin designated his grandson Theudoald as his successor.^[5]

 

Thus, the kingdom was ruled by a child as Mayor of the Palace, alongside the child king of the Merovingians, both under the guardianship of Plectrude, who was appointed regent for her grandson. Plectrude's first act was to imprison Charles Martel to neutralize him and prevent any competition for power. However, the eastern Frankish nobles resented the rule of a woman, and they rose in rebellion, appointing one of their leaders, Ragenfrid, as Mayor of the Palace. Civil war broke out between the two factions, and Plectrude's side was defeated. She retreated with her grandson to Cologne, and Ragenfrid seized power.

During this period, Charles Martel escaped from prison and gathered a group of his father's loyal supporters. He waged war against the eastern Franks, and Ragenfrid sought help from Duke Odo of Aquitaine, but it was in vain. Charles ultimately defeated Ragenfrid and his forces, forcing him to surrender and make peace. Plectrude also conceded, relinquishing all her claims.^[6]

By 720 AD, Charles Martel had become the uncontested Mayor of the Palace, ruling all the Franks in both the eastern and western parts of the kingdom. It was at this point that the Muslims, having completed their conquest of Al-Andalus, began their incursions into Gaul.^[7]

 

The early form of the feudalism was widely practiced across the Frankish kingdom, characterized by a decentralized power structure where numerous princes, dukes, and counts held authority over different regions. As the central throne's influence waned, these local rulers gained greater autonomy. Tribalism was prevalent among various social classes, with individuals showing strong allegiance to their respective clans or tribes. Land inheritance was a particularly sensitive issue in Frankish society, as a person's political and social standing was closely linked to the amount of land they possessed. The inheritance system directly influenced a Frank's status, as it was determined by the size and wealth of their landholdings.^[6]

The right to inherit land was a long-standing custom among Germanic tribes, even before they settled into more established societies. In earlier times, tribal leaders would distribute weapons such as horses and spears to their warriors before embarking on raids. These items were given without any strict regulations, and the warriors retained them as long as they were functional, even if they no longer served under the leader. It was common for a warrior to bequeath such possessions to a chosen individual upon death, as these items could easily be replaced in subsequent raids. However, the distribution of land after successful campaigns introduced complications, as land was not as easily replaceable as weapons. This led to the need for kings to impose limits and regulations on land grants. One such regulation was that land grants were given for life only and were not inheritable.^[8]

Over time, the nobles sought to free themselves from the obligation of loyalty and the temporary nature of land grants. They aimed to secure the right to pass their estates to their heirs. As the Frankish throne's authority diminished, the nobles succeeded in achieving this goal. In response to the decline in land revenues, caused by nobles evading their duties to the crown, certain strong kings or palace stewards imposed taxes on the nobles to offset the financial shortfall. This sparked rebellions and ongoing social conflicts between the rulers and the nobility. The nobles aimed to secure permanent positions for their families, while the government struggled to manage the needs of the expanding kingdom.

Concerning the peasantry and farmers, there is limited information available from documents and manuscripts before the ninth century. Most of what is known about this social class in the early Middle Ages is derived from archaeological findings.^[9]

 

Frankish society was predominantly agrarian, with the manor (or estate) serving as a fundamental unit of its economy. These estates were largely self-sufficient, producing a variety of agricultural goods as well as local crafts.

Becoming renowned for their high-quality production of metalwork, leather, and wooden items. Smaller-scale industries also existed within estates and villages, contributing to the local economy.

Urban life was minimal in this largely rural society. What were referred to as "cities" were often more akin to fortified towns or strongholds than true urban centers. Trade was limited, mostly confined to local exchanges. The Islamic conquests of North Africa and subsequent military conflicts disrupted the flow of African goods into Western Europe. Additionally, the Byzantine Empire lost control of key trade routes to the West, forcing reliance on overland routes, which increased transportation costs and risks. These factors drove up the prices of Eastern goods in Europe, making them unaffordable to the majority of the population. As a result, most Europeans turned to simple, locally produced goods to meet their needs.

The currency in circulation during this period was a modified version of the Roman dinar, initially minted in gold. However, by the late seventh century AD, the currency shifted to silver minting. This transition reflected broader changes in the economy and available resources, with silver becoming more commonly used for coinage across Europe. The dinar remained a key medium of exchange throughout the Frankish territories, though local variations in currency and minting practices developed over time.

 

Christianity began to spread widely among the Franks around 496 AD, largely due to the conversion of King Clovis, who, along with more than three thousand of his men, adopted the Chalcedonian creed. The Roman-Gallic historian Gregory of Tours documents this pivotal moment in his work History of the Franks (Histoire des Francs), noting that Clovis was introduced to Christianity through his wife, Clotilda, who was a devout Christian from birth.

Clovis's conversion to Christianity according to the Chalcedonian doctrine facilitated a strategic alliance and rapprochement between the Franks and the papacy during the subsequent period of Frankish rule. As the Franks became increasingly aligned with the papacy, tensions arose with other Christian sects that opposed Chalcedonianism, particularly Arianism. This Arian doctrine was prevalent among various Germanic groups in Gaul, including the Burgundians and the Visigoths. Under Clovis's leadership, the Franks engaged in military campaigns against these groups, successfully defeating the Burgundians. Following their defeat, the Burgundian king, Gundobad, converted to Chalcedonianism. The Franks subsequently expelled the Visigoths from Gaul, aiming to eliminate remaining non-Frankish territories and eradicate non-Chalcedonian beliefs from the region.^[9]

 

The relationship between the Franks and the papacy was further solidified during the reign of Pope Gregory III (731–741 CE). During this period, Pope Gregory III and Charles Martel established a cooperative arrangement, with the pope focusing on missionary work while Charles led military campaigns. Under the patronage of the Frankish kingdom, missionaries were dispatched to convert the pagan populations in Germania. In recognition of this alliance, the pope presented Charles with the keys to the tomb of Saint Peter and other gifts, encouraging him to journey to Italy to liberate it from the Lombards.. However, Charles was unable to undertake this campaign due to his ongoing military engagements against Muslim forces.^[10]

In addition to Christianity, a small Jewish community had existed in certain Gallic and Frankish cities since the Roman era. It is believed that they officially settled in Gaul during the reign of Emperor Caracalla, who granted Roman citizenship to their free citizens, along with other groups that comprised Roman society.

 

Jews lived peacefully alongside Christians in Gaul, sharing certain holidays and celebrations. However, their situation began to deteriorate after the Council of Orléans in 539 CE, when Christian clerics cautioned their congregants against adopting Jewish beliefs or being influenced by them, fearing such interactions would corrupt their faith. The council implemented measures that restricted Jews, prohibiting them from walking in the streets on Sundays, adorning themselves, or decorating their homes on that day. Additionally, a Jewish synagogue in Paris was demolished and replaced by a church.^[11]

In 629 CE, King Dagobert mandated the baptism of all Jews within his realm, under the threat of expulsion. Historical records suggest that he enforced this mandate, as there is no mention of Jewish presence during his reign. However, the region of Septimania, which was under Visigothic rule, remained a stronghold for Jews. They lived in the city of Arbonne and engaged in trade, despite facing harassment from the Gothic kings, which led to several revolts against their oppression.^[12]

The animosity towards Jews was further exacerbated by the Radhanites, a Jewish sect named after the Rhône River (referred to as "Rhodanus" in Latin). The Radhanites monopolized the trade of gold, silk, papyrus, black pepper, and incense with the Islamic lands, serving as the sole link between the East and West for these commodities. This reliance forced the general populace to depend on them for essential goods, with even churches turning to them for incense. As a result, the terms "Jew" (Latin: Judalus) and "merchant" (Latin: Mercator) became synonymous during that period.^[13][14]

Evidence and archaeological discoveries suggest that the Frankish armies adopted siege and encirclement tactics from the Romans in their military campaigns. These methods, which were central to Roman warfare, were also prevalent in Frankish strategies. Alongside these techniques, the Frankish forces relied heavily on both infantry and cavalry units. The combination of these elements formed the backbone of Frankish military power, enabling them to effectively engage in prolonged sieges and open-field battles, which were crucial to their territorial expansion and defense.^[15][16]

The kings, nobles, and princes of the Franks maintained a personal retinue of soldiers, which formed the core of the Frankish armies throughout their history. This group was later referred to by historians as the "comitatus," a term adopted in the 19th century from the Roman historian Tacitus, who had used it in his 2nd-century writings. The comitatus consisted of a select group of healthy and strong young men who swore a lifetime oath of loyalty and obedience to their lord or king.^[17] Their pledge was one of unwavering allegiance, promising to stand by their leader in battle until victory or death, regardless of the outcome or their lord's fate.^[18]

 

In the year 95 AH (714 CE), the Muslim forces under the command of Musa ibn Nusayr and Tariq ibn Ziyad successfully completed the conquest of most of the Iberian Peninsula. Shortly after, military operations were suspended by order of the Umayyad Caliph al-Walid ibn Abd al-Malik, and both commanders were recalled to Damascus for reasons debated by historians. Before leaving, Musa appointed his son, Abd al-Aziz, as the governor of al-Andalus to oversee the consolidation of the conquest. Abd al-Aziz was left with an army, which included prominent leaders such as Habib ibn Abi Ubayda al-Fihri, the grandson of the famed general Uqba ibn Nāfi.^[14][13]

Abd al-Aziz did not remain in Seville for long, as the ongoing conquest required further campaigns in the western, eastern, and northern regions of al-Andalus. He led forces westward, accompanied by a local guide from the ruler Julian, capturing towns such as Santarém on the Tagus River, Yabra near Lisbon, Coimbra along the Atlantic coast, and Astorga near Galicia. After halting at the mountainous borders of Galicia, he turned southward, securing key cities like Málaga and Ronda, while many of the defending Visigoths and Franks fled to the mountains.^[15][16]

In Elvira, Abd al-Aziz established a joint Muslim and Jewish garrison before advancing eastward to secure Murcia under Umayyad control. Following his father’s directives, he extended military campaigns into Tarragona, Girona, Pamplona, and

Narbonne, pushing Muslim influence into the northern and northeastern coasts of the Iberian Peninsula and southern France.^[17]

With this, the military operations under Abd al-Aziz ibn Musa were completed, leaving only a few pockets outside Islamic control. The Visigothic era came to a definitive close, marking the beginning of the Islamic period in the region. Following the conquest of the Iberian Peninsula and the advance to the slopes of the Pyrenees, the Muslim strategy dictated crossing these mountains, which separated al-Andalus from the Frankish Kingdom in Gaul, to invade the southern territories of that kingdom and protect their gains in the south.

Remnants of the Visigoths had settled in the province of Septimania in southern Gaul, and there was potential coordination between these remnants and the Visigoths in northwestern al-Andalus, posing a threat to Muslim control in the region. Therefore, subjugating this province and its inhabitants became a military necessity. Septimania had remained outside Frankish control since the time of Clovis, the founder of the Frankish Kingdom, who had failed to annex it. The subsequent division of the Merovingian ruling family, resulting from the partition of the kingdom among his heirs, further distanced the Franks from the region, allowing the Visigoths to maintain control and leading to its recognition as "Land of the Goths" (Latin: Gothia or Marca Gothica).

The Muslims' focus on securing their possessions by conquering neighboring border areas reflected a sound military strategy, as the Visigoths continued to pose a threat. Musa ibn Nusayr acknowledged that of capturing this region to secure the defensive lines of the new Islamic province from the east and north, aiming to incorporate it into Islamic territory and using it as a buffer against potential attacks from the north and northeast. However, his plans to advance were halted at the slopes of the Pyrenees due to his recall to Damascus.

Historical references suggesting that Musa aimed to cross the Pyrenees and penetrate deep into Europe to reach Damascus via Constantinople^[18] are likely exaggerated and not grounded in realistic military strategy. However, it can be noted that Islamic conquests, from their inception during the time of Abu Bakr al-Siddiq, did not target new fields without first consolidating their foundations and establishing a firm presence in conquered areas. This principle was maintained during the western campaigns, marked by a gradual and sequential advance dictated by both internal and external circumstances.^[19]

Most governors who succeeded in ruling al-Andalus devoted their time and efforts to this mission, despite facing internal challenges. Their decisions were shaped more by the imperatives of political and military developments on the ground rather than by directives from the central caliphate in Damascus or the authority of the province in Kairouan. The evolving political and military realities imposed expansionist policies that may not have aligned with the directives of the Umayyad caliph or the governor of Ifriqiya residing in Kairouan.^[20]

 

The efforts to conquer Septimania commenced after the capture of key cities in Upper March, including Zaragoza, Tarragona, and Barcelona. Following these successes, Musa ibn Nusayr advanced northward, crossing the Pyrenees Mountains and invading Septimania, where he successfully captured the cities of Carcassonne and Narbonne.^[21] His campaign extended into the Rhône Valley, an area under Frankish control, reaching the city of Lugdunum (modern-day Lyon). In response to his advance, the Francia prepared for conflict, and it is reported that minor skirmishes occurred between the Muslim forces and the Franks near Arbonne; however, these engagements were limited to quick raids rather than full-scale military confrontations.^[22]

 

The situation stabilized after Musa ibn Nusayr was recalled to Damascus, leading to his son Abd al-Aziz assuming the governorship of Al-Andalus. Following Abd al-Aziz's assassination, Al-Hurr ibn Abd al-Rahman al-Thaqafi was appointed as governor in late 97 AH (716 AD) and renewed attempts at Muslim expansion eastward. In the spring of 99 AH (718 AD), Al-Hurr crossed the Pyrenees, capturing Carcassonne, Arbonne, Bize, and Nîmes, ultimately advancing to the banks of the Garonne River.^[23] However, he was forced to retreat due to unrest in the mountainous region of Nîmes and in Córdoba.^[24]

Subsequent to Al-Hurr's removal by the new Caliph Umar ibn Abdul Aziz, Al-Samh ibn Malik al-Khawlani was appointed as governor. Serious Islamic military activity in Al-Andalus began with Samh ibn Malik's governorship in 100 AH (719 AD), coinciding with Charles Martel’s rise to prominence as the mayor of the palace in the Frankish Kingdom.^[25][26]

 

Samh ibn Malik, noted for his bravery and strong faith, sought to galvanize his troops into action, calling for jihad. Upon taking office, he initiated the first substantial military campaign aimed at expanding beyond the Pyrenees, recognizing the strategic importance of Septimania, which had once been part of the Visigothic Kingdom, and the threat posed by the remaining Gothic presence in the region.^[27]

Septimania was a coastal province extending from the Pyrenees Mountains along the southern French coastline facing the Mediterranean Sea, and it connected to the Italian Riviera. It comprised seven administrative divisions, leading to its designation as Septimania (Latin: Septimania), meaning "province of the seven regions" or "the seven strongholds." The capital, Arbonne. To facilitate his military operations, Samh ibn Malik established Barcelona as his base for the invasion, crossing the Pyrenees from Roussillon and advancing toward the capital, Arbonne, which he identified as his primary target.

• The strategic location of the city on the coast would grant the Muslims control over a vital naval base, enabling them to receive supplies by sea and circumvent the need to navigate the perilous Atlas Mountains.
• The city functions as a strategic hub for military operations aimed at Burgundy and Aquitaine.
• Following the conquest of the city, Islam established a foothold in southern Gaul.
• The city's climate is conducive to the Muslim temperament, resembling that of North African and Andalusian cities.

Al-Samah ibn Malik successfully besieged the city of Arbonne for a duration of twenty-eight days, ultimately capturing it. After taking the city, he fortified it, stationed garrisons, and established it as a strategic base for further conquests in the province of Septimania. The Muslims subsequently conquered other cities within this province, including Qaraqshona. Throughout these operations, Samah faced continuous resistance from local forces opposed to his advances.^[28]

He reorganized the conquered cities in accordance with Islamic principles, reformed public administration, and allowed Christian residents the option to convert to Islam or remain Christian, while ensuring their safety and protection. This policy of tolerance fostered a favorable perception of him and his fellow Muslims among the inhabitants, who had experienced harsh treatment and condescension from the Franks, despite their shared religious affiliation. As a result, the Franks became unpopular in these southern regions.^[29]

 

Samah ibn Malik continued his advance into southwestern Gaul, moving northwest towards the city of Toulouse, the capital of the province of Aquitaine. During his campaign, he decisively defeated the resistance from the Basques and Gascons, the indigenous inhabitants of the region. Aquitaine was under the control of Duke Odo the Great, who had declared independence during the internal conflicts among the descendants of Clovis, the founder of the Frankish Kingdom. Odo, a member of the Merovingian dynasty, resented Charles Martel, the mayor of the palace, for consolidating power at the expense of the rightful heirs. Previously, Odo had clashed with Charles, and after breaking away from the central authority of the Frankish Kingdom, he sought to expand his territory in southern Gaul, often at the expense of feudal lords involved in disputes over land and privileges, receiving support from the Visigoths and Basques.

As Duke Odo closely monitored the political developments in Septimania, he prepared to seize control of the province to benefit from its resources and strengthen his position against Charles, who was also eyeing annexation of the province and its neighboring lands. The Islamic activities in the region alarmed the people of Aquitaine, providing Odo with additional motivation to declare war against the Muslims. Soon, Odo’s preparations captured the attention of Samah ibn Malik, who rapidly marched towards Toulouse to capture it before the duke could arrive.^[30]

Upon reaching Toulouse, the Muslims laid siege to the city, employing siege engines that they had brought along. Their artillery forced the Frankish soldiers defending the fortifications back inside.^[31] The city was on the brink of falling into Muslim hands when Odo arrived at the outskirts. Some historical sources suggest that the size of the Frankish army was so immense that the dust raised by the soldiers obscured daylight from the Muslims' view, causing confusion among their ranks. Despite this, Samah moved through the ranks of his troops, urging them to remain steadfast in battle while reciting verse 160 from Surah Al-Imran.

The battle took place on the 9th of Dhu al-Hijjah 102 AH, corresponding to June 9, 721 CE, between the Muslim forces led by Samah ibn Malik and the Frankish army commanded by Duke Odo the Great. During the engagement, Samah ibn Malik exhibited extraordinary bravery, moving throughout the battlefield to organize the ranks and inspire his troops. It is said that soldiers could trace his movements by the trail of blood left by his sword.^[32]

However, while fighting at the center of the conflict, Samah was struck by a spear and fell from his horse. His death devastated the morale of the Muslim fighters, resulting in disarray within their ranks. In the aftermath, Abdul Rahman al-Ghafiki,^[33] one of Samah's senior commanders, was appointed to take over command. Al-Ghafiki’s primary responsibility was to organize a retreat, allowing the remaining troops to withdraw safely to Arbonne.^[34]

The outcome of the Battle of Toulouse was a considerable setback for the Muslim forces, resulting in the loss of several key cities, notably Carcassonne, and the deaths of many prominent Muslim figures, including those who had participated in earlier conquests. This battle marked a critical phase in Islamic expansion in Gaul, characterized by a distinct jihadist fervor, and is often referred to as part of the "Years of Islamic Advance Towards Europe." The death of Samah ibn Malik is considered a pivotal moment in the subsequent spread of Islamic governance in the region.^[35]

 

After the death of Samah ibn Malik, Abd al-Rahman al-Ghafiqi was temporarily appointed to govern Al-Andalus while a permanent successor was chosen. His tenure lasted only a few months until Bishr ibn Safwan al-Kalbi,^[36] the governor of Ifriqiya and the administrative overseer of Al-Andalus, appointed his relative Anbasa ibn Suhaym al-Kalbi as the new governor. Anbasa assumed his duties in Córdoba in Safar 103 AH (August 721 CE), taking over from al-Ghafiqi.

Anbasa spent four years stabilizing the province, addressing internal issues, and organizing the administration before resuming military campaigns beyond the Pyrenees in 105 AH (723 CE). His primary goal was to avenge Samah ibn Malik’s defeat at the Battle of Toulouse, recover the territories lost in Septimania, and reestablish a strong Muslim presence in the region. From Septimania, he planned to extend further into Frankish territory.^[37][38]

In 105 AH (724 CE), Anbasa led his forces northward, crossing the Pyrenees once again. He successfully recaptured several cities in Septimania that had been lost following the defeat at Toulouse, including Carcassonne. After besieging the city, he secured its surrender under favorable terms: the defenders ceded the city and half of the surrounding territory, agreed to release Muslim prisoners held in the fortress, and pledged to pay the jizya (a tax on non-Muslims) if they chose to remain Christian. Additionally, they promised to join Muslim forces in fighting their enemies and contribute a military contingent.^[39]

 

According to the Mausac Chronicle, Anbasa also captured Nîmes and sent hostages from the city's population to Barcelona as a guarantee of their loyalty.^[40] Frankish chroniclers of the time reported that Anbasa's forces destroyed several monasteries during their campaigns, including Jaucels near Béziers, Saint Bausile near Nîmes, a monastery in Saint-Gilles near Arles, and another in Aigues-Mortes.^[41]

According to Frankish historians, the arrival of Muslim forces at the monasteries in southern Gaul took the monks by surprise, giving them little time to evacuate their religious artifacts and treasures. In their haste, they reportedly destroyed the church bells to prevent them from being seized by the Muslims. These sources also mention that while the Muslims encountered resistance from some local inhabitants, they refrained from using violence in towns that submitted peacefully.

Anbasa ibn Suhaym continued his campaign, capturing the remaining towns in the region and marching further north into the Rhône Valley. His forces attacked Burgundy, eventually reaching the city of Autun.^[42]

At this point, Odo, Duke of Aquitaine, sought to negotiate with the Muslims. Realizing the determination of Anbasa's forces to conquer the region, and not wanting to be trapped between the Muslim army on one side and the forces of Charles Martel on the other, Odo opted for diplomacy. His goal was to avoid being caught between these two powerful adversaries.

Odo's decision to seek peace allowed the Muslims to continue their advance into the Rhône Valley. Anbasa ibn Suhaym progressed along the river's course, seemingly encountering little resistance as he moved swiftly and captured several cities along the way, including Ouze and Vienne, according to some historians. He also ventured into the Bourbonnais region and approached Lutetia (modern-day Paris), where the Muslim army split into two divisions. One division captured the cities of Mâcon, Chalon, Dijon, Besançon, and Langres, while the other returned to Autun.

The Muslims advanced further to Sens, located approximately 120 kilometers south of Paris, capturing the city before continuing their march until they were about 30 kilometers from the French capital. However, their extensive raids ultimately came to a halt due to the resistance led by Bishop Ebon of Sens, forcing Anbasa to retreat southward. He returned with his troops, laden with spoils, after reaching the heart of Gaul and raiding the entire Rhône basin, crossing the Loire River and coming close to the Seine, but they left Frankish territory without establishing a permanent foothold.^[43]

Despite Anbasa ibn Suhaym's notable achievements, reaching further into Europe than any Muslim commander before him, his military actions resembled exploratory campaigns rather than organized conquests aimed at settlement. While he captured cities, he did so without establishing garrisons or arrangements that suggested an intention to settle in those areas. In fact, the Muslims refrained from attempting to settle outside the confines of Septimania and avoided direct confrontations with the Franks at this stage. The primary objectives of these raids appeared to be subduing any residual Visigothic influence, strengthening the Islamic presence in Septimania, and safeguarding their gains from neighboring territories. These efforts served as preparatory raids to identify weaknesses in enemy fortifications.^[44]

Anbasa ibn Suhaym also aimed to demonstrate the strength of the Islamic state to its neighbors and to dispel rumors regarding the Muslims' weakened power in southern Gaul following the death of Samah ibn Malik. However, he may have been overly confident in his dealings with the Franks and Odo. After concluding his extensive raids and leaving Septimania on his return to Córdoba, he was ambushed by large groups of Franks and fell into a trap. Fighting ensued between the two sides, and Anbasa sustained severe injuries that ultimately led to his death in Sha'ban 107 AH (December 725 CE), before he could return to al-Andalus. Following his death,Udhra ibn Abd Allah al-Fihri, one of the army leaders, took charge of the troops and led them back to Córdoba.^[45][22]

 

Following the death of Anbasa ibn Suhaym, al-Andalus faced a period of unrest marked by a rapid succession of governors and rebellions led by local leaders. Notably, the Berber leader Munus, the governor of Shartanah, formed an alliance with Odo, Duke of Aquitaine, by marrying his daughter, Lembijia. This union served as a strategic shield for the duke against Muslim incursions, as evidenced by Anbasa's decision to avoid invading Aquitaine during his campaign, influenced by Munus.^[23]

According to Isidor of Beja, Munuza was appointed governor of Shartanah shortly after its conquest. Reports from the African borders indicated that the Berbers were suffering under Arab oppression due to internal conflicts among different Muslim factions, which fueled Munus's resentment toward Arabs in general.^[46] Duke Odo exploited this animosity, using Munus as a buffer against Islamic attacks. Consequently, Munus distanced himself from the Muslim community, allied with the Franks, and actively engaged in warfare against the Arabs, despite facing opposition from his own supporters.^[47]

The newly appointed governor, Adhra ibn Abdullah al-Fihri, sought to suppress Munus's insurrection by launching approximately ten military campaigns, all of which ended in defeat. This state of unrest continued until the governorship of Al-Haytham ibn Ubayd al-Kilabi, who crossed the Pyrenees in 112 AH (730 CE) and advanced into Septimania and the Rhône Valley. He successfully captured Lutetia, Mâcon, and Chalon on the Saône River, as well as Autun and Beaune, causing devastation in southern Burgundy.^[48]

However, internal divisions among tribes and the ongoing rebellion of the Berbers in al-Andalus led to the fragmentation of al-Haytham's army, compelling him to abandon the newly captured cities. He ultimately retreated southward and died in 112 AH (730 CE) after serving two years as governor.^[49][26]

 

Islamic narratives do not attribute any military operations in Gaul during the governorship of Adrah ibn Abd Allah al-Fihri.^[50] However, Frankish accounts suggest that military actions were undertaken by Muslims shortly after the death of Anbasa ibn Suhaym. Given that Adrah's governorship lasted for two years and several months, it is plausible that these actions occurred during his tenure. French historian and Orientalist Joseph Toussaint Reinaud summarizes these events, noting that Muslim leaders mobilized following Anbasa's death. Encouraged by the minimal resistance faced and substantial supplies received from al-Andalus, they launched campaigns in various directions, re-entering Septimania and returning to the Rhône Basin. During this time, they invaded territories inhabited by the Albigensians, Rouergue, Gévaudan, and Levènhere, resulting in extensive plundering that led some Muslims to criticize the excessive violence employed.

Other Christian accounts also claim that Muslims destroyed the large church of Rhodes and established a fortress near the current site of Roqueprive. Some local inhabitants reportedly joined them, participating in raids in various directions. It is believed that between 107 and 112 AH (approximately 725 and 730 CE), Muslims conducted raids in the regions of Dauphiné, Lyon, and Burgundy, which are attributed to them. In contrast, Arabic and Islamic sources do not mention these events, while Christian sources present varying accounts. The only Muslim historian to provide insight into this period, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Maqri al-Tlemcen.^[51]

 

Although al-Maqri did not specify the territories reached by Muslims during this incursion into Gaul, Renault noted that locations mentioned in Christian sources as having been devastated included Lyon, Mâcon, Chalon, Beaune, Autun, Saulieu, and Piz. Renault also suggested that these raids may have extended beyond the recorded accounts and occurred without prior planning. Nevertheless, the Muslims faced very little resistance, indicating the precarious situation in Frankish lands at the time and the absence of a governing authority to manage local affairs.^[52]

In the year 112 AH, corresponding to 730 CE, Ubayd Allah ibn al-Habhab, the governor of Ifriqiya, appointed Abd al-Rahman al-Ghafiki as the governor of al-Andalus with the approval of Caliph Hisham ibn Abd al-Malik.^[53] It is likely that the Islamic army stationed in al-Andalus influenced this appointment due to the soldiers' affection for al-Ghafiki, who stood out among his fellow leaders. His emergence on the political and military stage in al-Andalus and Gaul was closely linked to his prominent role in the campaign for the expansion of Islam into European territories.

Al-Ghafiki's return to power followed a decade of being sidelined due to tribal conflicts, positioning him as one of the most qualified leaders for the responsibilities ahead. His leadership and military competence, along with his courage and decisiveness, distinguished him from other governors. He dedicated most of his life to jihad and was free from the tribal biases that plagued his contemporaries. His sights were set on the conquest of what Muslims referred to as "the great lands," namely Gaul.

Initially, al-Ghafiki had to confront the ambitions of Duke Odo, suppress the rebellion of Munusa, and restore unity among the Muslim forces. Based on his extensive experience and keen observation of developments, he believed that Odo's desire for a truce with the Muslims was merely a strategy to avoid conflict until his relationship with Charles Martel clarified. Al-Ghafiki dismissed the notion that the alliance between Munusa and Duke Odo should divert Muslim efforts from safeguarding Septimania against potential threats posed by the duke. Consequently, he ordered raids into the province of Aquitaine, viewing it as a source of danger to the Muslim community.^[54]

Al-Ghafiki reached out to Munusa, urging him to submit to Islamic rule and refrain from obstructing his people and religion. However, Munusa refused, arguing that he could not attack his son-in-law's lands and had made a truce with the Franks, thereby absolving himself of any military obligation to wage war or participate in fighting against them. To preempt the revolutionary movement from escalating and further fracturing the Islamic front—potentially inviting enemy attacks on Septimania—Abd al-Rahman al-Ghafiki organized a military campaign, entrusting its leadership to Ibn Ziyan. Tasked with quelling the rebellion, Ibn Ziyan successfully attacked Munusa's strongholds, entered his capital, Bab al-Shizari, and pursued him through the mountain passes, ultimately capturing and killing him in 113 AH (731 CE). This victory opened the Pyrenees to the advance of the Islamic armies.^[55]

The death of Munuza alarmed Duke Odo of Aquitaine, who, recognizing his inability to stand alone against the advancing Muslim forces, sought to negotiate an alliance with his rival, Charles Martel, mayor of the palace of the Frankish kingdom. Odo also reached out to the Lombard Kingdom and other northern European states, hoping to coordinate a united resistance. The previous campaign of Anbasa ibn Suhaym, which had penetrated deep into Frankish territory, had already raised concerns among European powers, particularly Charles Martel and the Papacy. Charles understood that Muslim control over Septimania posed a threat, as they could launch future incursions from this province and potentially destabilize the Frankish realm.

Realizing the gravity of the situation, Charles began preparing for a decisive confrontation. He consolidated his power by reconciling with Burgundian lords, stockpiling arms and provisions, and coordinating a joint effort with Duke Odo. This alliance united the major European powers against the Islamic forces, preparing them for what was expected to be a major battle.^[56][57]

In response, Abd al-Rahman al-Ghafiki gathered a large army, though estimates of its size vary widely. Islamic sources suggest the army numbered between 70,000 and 100,000 soldiers, while Christian sources claim it reached 400,000. Regardless of the exact figure, this was the largest Islamic army to have ever entered both al-Andalus and Gaul up to that point. Comparatively, earlier Muslim campaigns, such as those led by Tariq ibn Ziyad and Musa ibn Nusayr, involved far smaller forces.^[58][59]

In early 114 AH (732 CE), al-Ghafiki began his northward march. He crossed through the Upper Marches and Basque territories, fortifying Catalonia and eliminating rebellious elements before proceeding to Septimania, where he strengthened defenses. Fearing a preemptive strike from Odo, al-Ghafiki fortified key garrisons in the region. After ensuring the security of these frontiers, he crossed the Pyrenees via the Bab al-Shazari pass, advancing into Aquitaine with the aim of conquering the region. This set the stage for the famous confrontation between Muslim forces and the Frankish coalition, which would soon culminate in one of the most pivotal battles in European history.^[60]

 

The region of Aquitaine was a vast and important territory in southwestern Gaul, extending from the Pyrenees Mountains in the south to the Loire River in the north, and from the River Albi in the east to the Bay of Biscay in the west.^[61]

Abd al-Rahman al-Ghafiqi advanced into Aquitaine, leading his forces toward the city of Arles, which had rebelled and stopped paying tribute to the Muslims. After engaging in a fierce battle with the forces of Duke Odo, the Muslim army successfully captured the city. They then continued their march towards Bordeaux, which fell with little resistance.^[62][63]

 

Al-Ghafiqi and his troops crossed the Garonne River, sweeping through Aquitaine. Duke Odo swiftly mobilized his forces to halt the Muslim advance, leading to a battle near the confluence of the Dordogne and Garonne rivers. The clash was intense, resulting in a crushing defeat for Odo, who lost a large portion of his cavalry and was forced to flee the battlefield. The contemporary historian Isidore of Beja remarked on the severity of the conflict, stating,^[27]"Only God knows the number of the dead" (Latin: solus Deus numerum morientium vel pereuntium recognoscat).^[64]

Following Odo's retreat north, Aquitaine was left vulnerable to the advancing Muslim forces. Al-Ghafiqi's army moved swiftly, capturing cities and towns throughout the region with remarkable speed. They pushed into Burgundy, seizing key cities such as Lyon and Besançon, and their raiding parties reached as far as Sens, just 100 miles from Paris.^[65]

Turning westward, al-Ghafiqi aimed to secure the Loire River region before advancing on Paris. The Muslim forces besieged and captured the city of Tours, including valuables from the Church of St. Martin, according to historian Rodríguez Jiménez. With these successes, the Muslim army had reached the doorstep of the northern Frankish and Germanic kingdoms.^[66][67]

Some historians suggest that al-Ghafiqi did not intend to advance further into Frankish territory but aimed to fortify the captured cities, transforming them into strongholds for Muslims, similar to those in Septimania. His forces, estimated to be between 10,000 and 30,000 men, were deemed insufficient for additional conquests after a prolonged campaign through southern and western Gaul, particularly following the Battle of the Garonne River.^[68]

Meanwhile, Duke Odo, sought assistance from Charles Martel despite their previous hostilities. Charles responded to Odo's plea due to the perceived threat from Muslim expansion. At that time, he was consolidating his control over Gaul by subduing the Saxons and Frisians, thereby securing the northern regions of the Frankish kingdom. The Muslim advance in southern Gaul presented Charles with an opportunity to extend his influence over Aquitaine under the pretext of defense.^[69]

Charles had been aware of Muslim raids in the south since Anbasa ibn Suhaym's campaign, which brought Muslim forces near his capital, Paris. However, he had avoided direct confrontation, possibly viewing those raids as mere exploratory expeditions. The alliance between Charles and Odo came as a surprise to al-Ghafiqi, given their traditional enmity. Additionally, al-Ghafiqi was concerned about Charles's delay in deploying his forces to Aquitaine, likely for strategic reasons: weakening the region by allowing it to endure the brunt of Muslim attacks and enticing the Muslims deeper into Aquitaine, away from their supply lines, thereby making them more vulnerable.^[70]

The Muslim army had indeed into Aquitaine, distancing itself from its supply bases in the south. Córdoba, their main stronghold, was approximately 1,300 kilometers away, and resupplying the frontlines would take about a month due to the difficult terrain. In contrast, Charles was operating on home ground, with his supply lines directly linked to the battlefield.^[71]

During this period, Abd al-Rahman al-Ghafiqi captured the city of Tours and advanced toward Poitiers, situated on the Clain River. His forces occupied the fertile plain that lay between Tours and Poitiers, located on the left bank of the Loire River. Poitiers was particularly noted for its wealth, especially surrounding the Church of Saint Martin. After taking the city, al-Ghafiqi prepared to march toward Paris but was unexpectedly confronted by Frankish forces that had assembled in the area to face him.^[72]

This encounter marked the last organized Muslim expansion into Europe, as Charles Martel became increasingly concerned about the potential for Muslim forces to penetrate deeper into Frankish territory due to their proximity to the borders. In response, he mobilized to defend the European continent against the advancing Muslims. Charles did not rely solely on the troops stationed in Gaul; he also called for reinforcements from the Rhine region, particularly from Austrasia.

He received support from robust and hardy soldiers who fought almost naked in the cold weather. The contemporary historian Isidore of Beja described these warriors as possessing "iron hands," delivering swift and powerful blows. Most of these reinforcements were tough, nomadic fighters who had proven their mettle by defeating various barbarian groups, including the Alans and Suebi, and breaking their power.^[73]

 

Abd al-Rahman al-Ghafiqi mobilized his forces in preparation for a decisive engagement with the Frankish army. Both sides were fully committed to the confrontation, seeing it as a fight to the death. For the Franks, the battle represented a direct threat to their interests, territory, and way of life. They viewed the conflict as a matter of survival, with the defense of their religion, institutions, property, and lives at stake.

On the other hand, for the Muslim forces, the battle presented a strategic opportunity to defeat the Franks and extend the reach of the Islamic empire into Gaul. They regarded this as a continuation of previous military successes, such as the battles of Qadisiyah, Yarmouk, and Wadi Lakka. The Muslim army was prepared for either victory or martyrdom, considering success against the Franks a feasible goal.^[74]

 

The exact location of the decisive battle remains uncertain. Islamic sources do not specify a precise site, and Christian accounts are ambiguous, stating only that it occurred north of the city of Poitiers, in the direction of Tours. Some historians suggest that the battle took place along the old Roman road between Poitiers and Tours. This hypothesis is supported by references in Islamic sources to the site as the "Court of the Martyrs," which might indicate proximity to a palace or notable landmark. Another interpretation links the name to the intense sword fighting that characterized the battle, with "martyrs" possibly referring to the large number of Muslim casualties.^[75]

The battlefield is believed to be located approximately 20 kilometers from Tours, along the Roman road connecting Châtellerault and Tours. The designation "Court of the Martyrs" may have derived from the numerous swords and other artifacts left behind after the battle, suggesting the intensity of the combat.^[76]

For eight days, the two armies observed each other from a distance, engaging in only minor skirmishes. In Ramadan 114 AH (October 732 AD), following this period of observation, both sides prepared for a full-scale battle. The Muslim forces initiated the conflict with a cavalry charge, aiming to break through the Frankish lines. However, this effort was repelled by the Frankish troops, who relied on their heavy weaponry and maintained a strong defensive formation. The Muslims, despite facing sustained attacks, held their positions for two days as the Franks and their allies—comprising Saxons, Germans, and Swedes—began to show signs of exhaustion.^[76]

By the end of the second day, it appeared that momentum was shifting in favor of the Muslim forces. However, on the fourth day of combat, Duke Odo launched a flanking maneuver against the Muslim ranks, targeting the area where the army's spoils were stored. This caught the Muslim troops by surprise, leading to disorder in their formations. Many soldiers broke ranks to defend the rear, leaving the heart of the Muslim force—where Abd al-Rahman al-Ghafiqi was commanding the battle—exposed.

Abd al-Rahman made efforts to rally his troops and restore order, but his attempts were unsuccessful. In the chaos, he was struck by an arrow and killed. With their commander dead and their forces disorganized, the Muslims were overwhelmed by the Frankish army, which launched attacks from multiple sides. This battle later became known as the "Court of the Martyrs" due to the high number of Muslim casualties.

Despite the defeat, the fighting persisted for six more days. The Muslim army eventually withdrew under the cover of darkness, executing a strategic retreat. They left their tents and campfires intact to deceive the Frankish forces, withdrawing to Septimania. Initially hesitant to approach, the Franks soon realized the Muslims had left and seized the abandoned supplies. Charles Martel, the Frankish leader, chose not to pursue the Muslim forces, suspecting their retreat might be a feint to lure him into an ambush.

 

From a historical perspective, Christian analysts viewed the outcome of the Battle of Tours as a critical turning point in global history, as it effectively halted the expansion of Muslim influence into Western Europe. Had the Muslim forces achieved victory, it is speculated that Islam might have spread across the continent, potentially threatening the survival of Christianity. Charles Martel, the leader of the Frankish forces, was celebrated as a national hero for his role in securing the victory, which was seen as a defense of both the European continent and the Christian faith.^[77]

Pope Gregory III honored Charles Martel with the title "Martel" (French: Martel; Latin: Martellus), meaning "the hammer," a reference to his success in halting the Muslim advance. This victory was seen as crucial in preventing further Muslim incursions into Frankish territory. The Church and the papacy praised Martel for his efforts, and he became known as "Charles Martel" (French: Charles Martel; Latin: Carolus Martellus) in recognition of his role in defending Christianity.^[78]

Following the death of Abd al-Rahman al-Ghafiqi, Abd al-Malik ibn Qattan al-Fihri was appointed as his successor. Abd al-Malik was tasked with restoring the Islamic presence in southern Gaul and preserving the gains made by Muslim forces in the region.^[79]

 

Abd al-Malik ibn Qattan's first priority was to suppress the rebellions in northern Andalusia that had emerged in the aftermath of al-Ghafiqi’s death and the disintegration of his army. While addressing these uprisings, Abd al-Malik reached the city of Languedoc in Frankish territory, where he implemented a new offensive-defensive strategy. He constructed a series of fortified positions along the frontier, garrisoning them with troops. These fortifications served as a base for launching raids into Frankish territories, defending Islamic-held regions, and monitoring enemy movements.^[80]

The Christian inhabitants of Septimania remained loyal to the Muslim administration, fearing they might come under the rule of Charles Martel, who was unpopular in the region. Maront, the ruler of Marseille, also aligned with the Muslims, as he sought greater autonomy in the province of Provence, which was part of the Muslim-controlled territory of Septimania.

Once the fortifications in the northern regions of the Albertat Mountains were completed and the situation there was stabilized, Abd al-Malik turned his attention to recovering the territories lost by the Muslims after the Battle of Tours. He appointed Yusuf ibn Abd al-Rahman al-Fihri as governor of Arbonne and tasked him with continuing the invasion of Gaul. In 116 AH (734 AD), the Muslim forces resumed their campaign, with al-Fihri successfully capturing Arles, Saint-Rémy, and parts of the Apennines.^[81]

Following the Muslim advances into southern Gaul, the new governor of Andalusia capitalized on Charles Martel’s preoccupation with suppressing revolts by the Saxons and Frisians in the north. The Muslim forces pressed forward into the Dauphiné, capturing key locations such as Ossis, Viviers, Valence, Vienne, and Lyon, before launching an invasion into Burgundy.

Upon resolving the northern uprisings, Charles Martel shifted his focus to the Muslim threat. He dispatched his brother, Childebrand, at the head of a substantial army to confront the invaders, followed by the deployment of a second army. In 119 AH (737 AD), the Muslim forces attacked and captured Avignon, though the Muslim garrison was subsequently killed, and the survivors fortified themselves in Arles. Charles Martel besieged Arles but encountered strong resistance and was unable to take the city.^[82]

The new governor of Andalusia, Uqba ibn al-Hajjaj al-Saluli, who succeeded Abd al-Malik ibn Qatan, deployed a naval force to relieve the besieged city. Despite these efforts, the Muslim forces were decisively defeated by the Franks, who pursued them to the coast, looted their supplies, and captured many prisoners. Only a small number of Muslims survived, fleeing by ship to Arles. Nonetheless, Muslim resistance continued, despite internal challenges.

Martel was forced to lift the siege of Arles following the death of Theuderic IV of the Franks and a rebellion in Marseille. On his return march, Martel captured several cities, including Béziers, Agde, Maguelonne, and Nîmes, destroying their fortifications. In 120 AH (738 AD), Uqba ibn al-Hajjaj led a new offensive, crossing the Alps to recapture Arles and advancing to other strategic locations. His campaign prompted Martel to once again dispatch his brother, Childebrand, along with forces from the Lombard king, Liutprand. Martel himself marched to the Rhône with a third army, and by 121 AH (739 AD), Uqba was forced to withdraw beyond the Rhône River. The Franks regained most of Septimania, although Arles remained under Muslim control.^[83]

After Uqba’s return to Andalusia, the Muslim forces faced further challenges. A Berber uprising in North Africa in 122 AH (740 AD) isolated Uqba from the central Umayyad government in Damascus. Subsequently, Abd al-Malik ibn Qatan al-Fihri instigated a rebellion, overthrowing Uqba and plunging Andalusia into years of internal strife. This period of instability continued until the reign of Abd al-Rahman I (al-Dakhil), who eventually restored order in the region.^[83]

Meanwhile, in the Frankish realm, the death of Charles Martel in 741 AD led to internal conflicts among his heirs. His sons, Carloman and Pepin the Short, engaged in a power struggle, which was ultimately resolved in favor of Pepin.^[84]

 

Before his death, Charles Martel capitalized on the passing of Duke Odo in 117 AH (735 AD) and the subsequent transition of the Kingdom of Aquitaine to Odo’s son, Hunald. Martel sought to consolidate his control over Gaul by securing Hunald's allegiance, bringing the Franks closer to securing Septimania. By surrounding Muslim-held territories, Martel strengthened the Frankish position for future assaults on cities like Arles, ensuring a secure foothold in the region.

During this time, the Muslim hold on territories beyond the Albera Mountains weakened due to intensifying internal strife in Andalusia. The threat came from the reorganization of the Gothic leadership in Septimania under Ansemund of Nîmes, who aimed to overthrow Muslim rule. Taking advantage of the instability in Andalusia, Ansemund captured several territories that had been under Muslim control, establishing a small Gothic kingdom in these areas. Recognizing that his fledgling kingdom could not thrive as long as Muslim forces remained entrenched in Arles, Ansemund sought assistance from Pepin III, son of Charles Martel.

Pepin accepted Ansemund’s request, viewing it as an opportunity to consolidate Frankish control over southern Gaul and incorporate these territories into his expanding empire. Consequently, the Franks and Goths forged an alliance to confront the remaining Muslim strongholds. In 134 AH (752 AD), Pepin and Ansemund launched an offensive against Muslim positions in Septimania, which had become increasingly isolated from Andalusia due to the ongoing internal unrest there.^[85]

The joint Frankish-Gothic forces soon laid siege to Arles, one of the key Muslim strongholds. Despite being under siege for years, the Muslim garrison displayed remarkable resilience, even managing to kill Ansemund in an ambush in 136 AH (754 AD).^[86] However, famine in southern Africa weakened the besieging forces, prolonging the siege until the rule of Abd al-Rahman al-Dakhil in Andalusia. In an attempt to relieve the siege,^[87] al-Dakhil sent an expeditionary force in 140 AH (758 AD),^[88] led by Umayyad commander Sulayman ibn Shihab. However, the Basques ambushed and killed the Muslim force before it could reach Arles, resulting in the death of Ibn Shihab.^[89]

As the siege dragged on, dissatisfaction grew among the inhabitants of Arles, who had become weary of Gothic attempts to take the city. In 142 AH (759 AD), a faction within the city secretly reached out to Pepin III, offering to hand over the city in exchange for governance autonomy. Pepin agreed, and with the help of local Goths, the Muslim garrison was ambushed and killed. The gates of Arles were opened to Pepin’s forces, marking the fall of the city and the end of nearly four decades of Muslim rule in Septimania. The surviving Muslim population retreated to Andalusia, concluding the Islamic presence in Gaul.^[90][91]

 

The relatively short period of Muslim presence in Gaul, spanning less than half a century, coupled with the early development of Islamic civilization in Andalusia and the primarily military nature of the Muslim incursion into the region, has left the legacy of early Muslims in France largely obscured. The traces of this early Muslim presence have been uncovered only through the efforts of researchers and scholars who have conducted detailed excavations and rigorous historical analysis.

One of the most widely acknowledged impacts of Islamic influence is seen in agriculture. The Muslims introduced several new crops to southern France and shared their agricultural expertise with the local population. It is believed that brown wheat, still cultivated in France, was introduced by Arabs who transported its seeds and were the first to grow it in the region. Additionally, it is probable that they brought palm seedlings from Andalusia and North Africa to Gaul. The horse breeds in southern France were also influenced by the Muslim conquests, particularly through the hybridization of Arabian horses with African breeds.^[92]

 

In terms of social effects, certain customs and traditions of the inhabitants of the Berbera region, where Muslims had settled, are believed to have Arab origins. These include forms of dance thought to be influenced by Arabic culture. The "troubadour" literary style may also have roots in Arabic poetry, with its military and lyrical themes reflecting the traditions of Arabic furusiyya (chivalric poetry). Furthermore, the Castilian language, and to some extent French, adopted Arabic words such as "drogoman" (translator), and expressions like par le truchement de ("through such and such"), as well as the term "charabia" (derived from the Arabic word meaning "to explain"). Some cities and regions in France also bear names derived from Arabic, such as Ramatuelle (from "God's mercy") and Saint-Pierre de l'Almanarre (from "lighthouse").^[93][94]

The impact of Islamic invasions and conquests on France has been remembered for centuries. In early 2016, French archaeologists announced the discovery of three graves in the southern city of Nîmes, which are believed to be the oldest Islamic burials found in Europe. Dating back to between the 7th and 8th centuries CE, these burials provided the first tangible evidence of a Muslim community in southern France during the early Middle Ages. According to anthropologist Yves Gleize, the positioning of the skeletons, all oriented towards the qibla (the direction of prayer in Islam), confirmed their Islamic origin. DNA analysis revealed that the men, aged between their late 20s and early 50s, were of North African, predominantly Berber, origin.^[95][96][97]

Orientalist Joseph Toussaint Renaud asserts that numerous districts were devastated by Muslim raiders during their incursions into France, leading to the complete destruction of monasteries and churches in the affected areas. In his well-known publication on the Islamic invasions of France, Renaud cites various sources to support his analysis. However, some Arab and Muslim historians present an alternative interpretation of the same references. They argue that the evidence does not definitively prove that Muslims were responsible for the widespread destruction. Instead, they suggest that Renaud disproportionately attributed the ruins to the Muslims.

Joseph Toussaint Renaud argued that the Muslim conquerors were generally not welcomed by the populations of the territories they invaded, except for individuals who, in his words, "had no religion or country." However, some scholars present a different interpretation of the historical context. They note that many areas of the Frankish territories were not yet fully Christianised during the period of the Muslim incursions and were still in the process of developing a unified identity. Other sources suggest that Roman inhabitants of Gaul may have welcomed the Muslim forces as a potential safeguard against the Franks, who were perceived as intruders and usurpers of the Roman power that had once dominated the region.^[98]

The Islamic narrative makes only passing references to this decisive battle, whereas European historians have exaggerated its portrayal as the decisive battle that saved Christianity and its civilisation. Some historians posit that the Muslims did not provide comprehensive details regarding this battle because they perceived it as one of numerous incursions into Gaul and therefore did not devote attention to it. Their objective was not to establish a prolonged presence in the conquered territories but rather to gauge the strength of the enemy and exhaust their resources. Conversely, other scholars have proposed that the Islamic reluctance to discuss this battle may be attributed to the desire of Muslim narrators to conceal the details of this event due to its catastrophic nature. However, this argument is undermined by the fact that Islamic history is replete with news of battles in which the Muslims were severely defeated, and the news was recorded as it was, from the Battle of Uhud to the Battle of Al-Uqab and beyond. Some of these battles had a worse impact on the Muslims than the Court of Martyrs, so this explanation cannot explain the strange omission of this particular battle'.^[99][100]

• Islam in France
• Islamic world contributions to Medieval Europe

• The history of the Islamic conquest of France. With a pen: Taha Abdul Maqsood, from Islam Story.
• The Kharijite sedition in Morocco and its impact on Islamic conquests in Europe. With a pen: Ahmed Al-Dharafi, from Al-Bayan website.