[go: up one dir, main page]
Jump to content

Colectivo (Venezuela)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Colectivos
CountryVenezuela
IdeologyBolivarianism
Chavismo
Socialism of the 21st century
Means of revenueBolivarian Government of Venezuela
Allies
Opponents Venezuelan opposition
Preceded by
Bolivarian Circles

Colectivos ([ko.lek'ti.βos], lit. 'collectives') are far-left Venezuelan armed paramilitary groups that support the Bolivarian government, the Great Patriotic Pole (GPP) political alliance and Venezuela's ruling party, the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV).[1][2][3] Colectivo has become an umbrella term for irregular armed groups that operate in poverty-stricken areas.[1][3][4]

The term may also refer to a community organization with any shared purpose, such as a neighborhood group that organizes social events.[4] Some colectivos began by doing community work or helping with social programs in barrios,[1][5] and their members said they promoted democracy, political activism and culture.[2]

As of 2019, there are dozens of colectivos in Venezuela.[1] In 2018, InSight Crime reported 46 groups in one barrio (slum), 23 de Enero, alone.[6] By 2017, they operate in 16 Venezuelan states,[3] controlling about 10% of Venezuelan cities.[7] Some personnel of Venezuela's intelligence agencies, including the Directorate General of Military Counterintelligence and the Bolivarian Intelligence Service, are also members of colectivos.[8] Colectivos have both legal and illegal funding sources.[6] They were initially funded by the Bolivarian government;[8] some receive funds to distribute government food packages[6] and have access to government "slush funds".[4] Others have been funded by extortion, black-market food and the drug trade.[7][9]

Human Rights Watch described colectivos as "armed gangs who use violence with impunity" to harass political opponents of the Venezuelan government.[10][11] Amnesty International calls them "armed pro-government supporters who are tolerated or supported by the authorities".[12] Colectivos have attacked anti-government protesters[1] and Venezuelan opposition television staff, sent death threats to journalists, and once tear-gassed the Vatican envoy.[10] Through violence and intimidation, by 2019 colectivos increasingly became a means of quashing the opposition and maintaining political power;[9][13] Maduro called on them during the 2019 Venezuelan blackouts.[14][15]

An Organization of American States report on human rights violations in Venezuela stated that colectivos murdered at least 131 individuals between 2014 and 2017 during anti-government protests.[16] The opposition-led National Assembly of Venezuela designated the colectivos as terrorist groups due to their "violence, paramilitary actions, intimidation, murders and other crimes," declaring their acts as state-sponsored terrorism.[17]

On 16 September 2020, the United Nations Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela concluded in its first report that Venezuelan authorities and colectivos committed "violations amounting to crimes against humanity".[18] The same year, the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court stated that it believed there was a "reasonable basis" to believe that "since at least April 2017, civilian authorities, members of the armed forces and pro-government individuals have committed the crimes against humanity".[19][20]

Crisis in Venezuela
Causes
Effects
Events
Elections
Protests
Timeline
Armed violence
flag Venezuela portal

Description

[edit]

The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has described colectivos as "pro-Government armed groups" that "decide who receives government assistance and perform surveillance and intelligence activities for the authorities [and have] intimidated, threatened and attacked people perceived as opposed to the Government".[21] In 2019, the opposition-led National Assembly of Venezuela designated the colectivos as terrorist groups, declaring their acts as state-sponsored terrorism.[17]

On 16 September 2020, the United Nations Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela presented its first report to the United Nations Human Rights Council, concluding that Venezuelan authorities and colectivos committed "violations amounting to crimes against humanity". Its members stated that they had reasonable grounds to state that “Most of the violations and crimes … were part of a widespread and systematic attack against a civilian population … in furtherance of a state policy.”[18] On 14 December 2020, the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court stated that it believed there was a "reasonable basis" to believe that "since at least April 2017, civilian authorities, members of the armed forces and pro-government individuals have committed the crimes against humanity".[19][20]

New York University Latin American Studies professor Alejandro Velasco said in 2019, "They have all the trappings of a paramilitary repressive force."[1] Velasco, who studies colectivos, describes a change in the allegiance of colectivos, saying it has become more about power than supporting chavismo or a leftist ideology.[9]

History

[edit]
Two students of the Central University of Venezuela wrestle with two government supporters, one of them armed, on 7 November 2007. One of the students, Gerardo Olivares (at the right), was shot in the leg.
See also: Bolivarian Circles

The history of colectivos predates the presidency of Hugo Chávez.[22] Colectivos emerged during the 1960s from urban guerrilla warfare in metropolitan Venezuela, and made a return during Chávez's tenure[5][23] when he created their parent organizations, known as Bolivarian Circles.[24] Bolivarian Circles also took part in demonstrations that became violent against the 2002 coup attempt against Chávez.[25] InSight Crime says their power began to increase after the attempted coup, when Chávez decided he needed a security force independent of the military to counteract opposition demonstrators.[6] A 2005 report by the newspaper El Nacional stated that paramilitary and motorcycle groups, described as "colectivos", were present in 36 cities around the country.[26] In 2006, they received arms and funding from the state when they were brought under the government's community councils.[6] In 2007, masked gunmen riding motorcycles opened fire on students returning from a march in Caracas. At the Central University of Venezuela, eight people were injured, including one by gunfire.[27][28] Chávez eliminated the Metropolitan Police in 2011, turning security over to the colectivos in some Caracas barrios.[6]

Bloomberg says that when he created the Bolivarian Circles, Chávez "brought the former outlaws into the socialist fold", where some also gained access to weapons through government jobs.[1] Stratfor says that Diosdado Cabello, then serving as chief of staff for Chávez, was instrumental in the founding of the Bolivarian Circles, and maintains close ties to the colectivos.[24] Chávez assigned colectivos to be "the armed wing of the Bolivarian Revolution" for the Venezuelan government, giving them weapons, communication systems, motorcycles and surveillance equipment to exercise control in the hills of Caracas where police are forbidden entry.[2] Some weapons given to the groups include assault rifles, submachine guns and grenades.[2] Various colectivos have said that the Venezuelan government has had authorities disguise themselves as colectivo members in attempts to attack the opposition.[22]

Colectivos were historically aligned with far-left politics in Venezuela, and act as "enforcers for the government", working with the Venezuelan armed forces and the ruling political party, PSUV.[29][30] The Economist says they bring money into slums, punish criminals and intimidate political opponents.[31] Some colectivos partake in drug trafficking, control access to the supply of food and medicine,[6] and commit acts of extortion.[31]

In 2008, some colectivos helped with after-school programs, child care centers, puppet shows, drug rehabilitation, and sports programs; they also encouraged voting by going door to door and protect communities from criminals.[5] Every member of a colectivo is required to bring ten individuals to vote at polls during elections.[32] Over time, colectivos became more heavily armed and their criminal activity increased.[3] A small number of groups maintain community and cultural functions; most are "criminal gangs with immense social control", who "work alongside the security forces, often doing their dirty work for them", according to InSight Crime.[6] Members can be difficult to identify because they often wear masks and do not have license plates on their motorcycles.[9]

Activity

[edit]

2002 coup d'état attempt

[edit]

When Chávez was briefly ousted in 2002, colectivos helped lead demonstrations supporting him, and worked with the military to help return him as president.[33]

2009 Globovisión attack

[edit]

In 2009, several dozen La Piedrita motorcyclists with red berets surrounded the entrance of the offices of television station Globovisión and subdued the security guards, entering the facility by force while tossing two tear gas canisters into the building. Chávez condemned the attack and pro-government leader Lina Rón was jailed for three months following the incident.[34][35][36][37]

2009 Vatican envoy attack

[edit]

Colectivos tear-gassed the Vatican envoy in 2009 after Chávez accused the Roman Catholic Church of interfering with his government.[38][39]

2012 presidential election

[edit]

During the 2012 presidential election, at a visit by opposition candidate Henrique Capriles to the San José de Cotiza neighbourhood in Caracas, a group of armed PSUV members began firing guns "in an apparent effort to break up the rally".[40][41] Five people were injured, including the son of an opposition member of the National Assembly of Venezuela. Capriles was subsequently taken safely from the scene. Journalists for television channel Globovisión that were covering the rally (reporter Sasha Ackerman, cameraman Frank Fernández and assistant Esteban Navas) were threatened by the armed men, who confiscated their equipment and footage of the shootings.[40] A Globovisión statement the next day identified the armed men as PSUV supporters, saying "These groups wore red shirts identifying them with a political tendency. More importantly, it was an armed and organized group that fired weapons against people".[41]

Immediate Mobilization Networks

[edit]

Immediate Mobilization Networks (in Spanish: Fuerzas Inmediatas de Movilización) were an alleged paramilitary organization formed by Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez to remain in control of the country if he was defeated in the 2012 presidential election. Its objectives were to abort the opposition rallies before they could be prepared, detection of opposition leaders, organizing street protests and resistance and control of territory.[42][opinion][better source needed]

Chávez militias have been responsible (along with the Army) from the custody of the electoral process (polling security, custody of the votes and his move to places count). A first contingent would be deployed in 51% of polling stations, the rest at 49%, precisely in many of the places where the opposition is strong.[42][opinion][better source needed]

Of its approximately 3,800 members, not everyone would have military targets. Some of them could be limited to monitoring process, but other functions provided for these groups, composed of small teams of five to seven members, require violence.[43] Venezuelan Army sources said that in June they started handing out about 8,000 AK-103 to this group.[42][opinion][better source needed]

They were formed by "social intelligence teams" and "communicators in action" ("street propaganda and guerrilla internet") and of "territorial control equipment," constituted "as Rapid Action Force and Action street, with ability to block or enable critical road corridors, geographic areas or localities" and "defend the spaces adjacent to state institutions."[43]

Their tactics were based on Iranian Basij units whose performance was decisive to abort the 2009 Iranian presidential election protests in 2009, and used a complex system of communication encryption.[42][opinion][better source needed]

2013 presidential election

[edit]

During the 2013 presidential election, Reuters said colectivos were "a key part of the government's electoral machinery" that "help[ed] sway close races and are sometimes tarred by critics as poll station thugs who intimidate opponents".[10] The Carter Center said that during the elections, voting centers had an "intimidating climate" when motorcyclists "associated with the governing party" surrounded them.[44]

2014 protests

[edit]
Colectivos fire toward the protest where Genesis Carmona was killed during a protest.

"President Maduro himself has on multiple occasions called on civilian groups loyal to the government to 'extinguish the flame' of what he characterized as 'fascist' protesters. ... [saying] 'These groups of guarimberos, fascists and violent [people], and today now other sectors of the country's population as well have gone out on the streets, I call on the UBCh, on the communal councils, on communities, on colectivos: flame that is lit, flame that is extinguished'."

Human Rights Watch[45]

The Venezuelan Prison Minister, Iris Varela, said that colectivos were a "fundamental pillar in the defense of the homeland".[46][47] During the 2014 Venezuelan protests against new president Nicolás Maduro, colectivos acted with impunity against the opposition protesters.[48] When armed groups threatened to rape individuals in an apartment complex in Maracaibo, the National Guard did not intervene.[49] The Civil Association for Citizen Control said that more than half of those killed during the protests were killed by colectivos.[50]

During the 2014 protests, armed colectivos attacked and burned a large portion of Fermín Toro University after intimidating student protesters and shooting one.[51][52] The colectivos broke into the facility, looted, and damaged 40% of the university.[53]

President Maduro thanked some groups of motorcyclists for their help against what he viewed as a "fascist coup d'etat... being waged by the extreme right"; at the same time, he distanced himself from armed groups by stating that they "had no place in the revolution".[54] Jorge Arreaza, Venezuela's vice president at the time, also praised them saying, "If there has been exemplary behavior it has been the behavior of the motorcycle colectivos that are with the Bolivarian revolution."[55] In 2014, Arreaza promised that the government would disarm all irregular armed groups in Venezuela.[56]

The European Parliament asked the Venezuelan government to "immediately disarm and dissolve the uncontrolled armed pro-government groups and end their impunity".[55][57] United States Secretary of State John Kerry accused the Venezuelan government of using "armed vigilantes" against those who opposed it.[55]

In a report titled "Punished for Protesting", Human Rights Watch (HRW) stated that government forces allowed colectivos "to attack protesters, journalists, students, or people they believed to be opponents of the government with security forces just meters away" and that "in some cases, the security forces openly collaborated with the pro-government attackers". HRW also stated that they "found compelling evidence of uniformed security forces and pro-government gangs attacking protesters side by side",[45] and that the government tolerated this activity.[58]

Robert Serra's murder

[edit]

Rising PSUV member and colectivo mediator Robert Serra was stabbed more than 30 times, killing him, in his "heavily guarded home" on 1 October 2014.[59][60][61][62] The Venezuelan government blamed the opposition for Serra's death; Foreign Policy said others considered his murder an "inside job" because the government was "more factionalized since the death of Hugo Chávez" with different "ideological strains and interests [clashing] beneath the party's surface".[59]

A week after Serra's death, clashes between Venezuelan police and colectivos began when police raided the headquarters of the Shield of the Revolution group and according to José Odreman, "a close associate of Serra" and leader of the 5 de Marzo group, a colectivo member was "shot dead in his sleep" during the raid.[63] Three officers were reportedly taken hostage.[63][64]

Right before he was shot, Odreman had made statements hinting at government involvement in Serra's death, saying to Minister Miguel Rodríguez Torres, "I lay full responsibility on you of what might happen to me. Enough comrades have been sacrificed".[63][65][66] A little over an hour after his statements, photographs emerged showing the 5 de Marzo colectivo leader Odreman being held captive by Venezuelan authorities, followed by videos which showed his dead body lying in a pool of blood.[63][65]

The Venezuelan government denied any relationship to Serra's death and stated that the clashes between colectivos and authorities were due to a murder investigation.[63][65] The director of CICPC, José Gregorio Sierralta, stated that officers were fired upon and responded with deadly force that killed the colectivo members including Odreman.[66] Residents of the building denied Sierralta's statements, stating that there was no confrontation or hostages, that Venezuelan authorities first raided the building reportedly killing one member in his sleep then raided the building once more supposedly capturing and executing the other four colectivo members, altered nearby evidence and stole items from the scene.[67][68] Maduro stated that the five men who were killed in the incident were a gang of former police officers led by Odreman.[69] Runrunes noted in an investigative article that the police and bodyguards arrested by Venezuelan authorities involved with Serra's death were also members of colectivos.[70]

Following the clashes, Humberto López ("El Ché"), a colectivo leader, stated that all colectivos were on "war footing" and that the colectivos "did not bet on death, we are committed to war. All colectivos are up in arms." Noting that the Venezuelan Housing Mission buildings are in the hills of Caracas, El Ché assured that "the people would come down from the hills" if needed.[71][72] Colectivos protested against the incidents and demanded the dismissal of then Ministry of Popular Power for Interior, Justice and Peace, Miguel Rodríguez Torres.[64] Weeks later, on 24 October, Rodríguez Torres was replaced by Carmen Meléndez, with one of the reasons reportedly being the pressure colectivos placed on the government.[73] Maduro also called on Freddy Bernal, a government leader with close ties to colectivos, to "reform" the police after the incident.[31] Following the dismissal of Rodríguez Torres, the 5 de Marzo colectivo also called for the dismissal of Diosdado Cabello.[74]

Attack on the University of Los Andes

[edit]

Armed groups reported to be colectivos attacked the University of Los Andes in the city of Mérida in March 2015 to intimidate the protesters, shooting guns at students and faculty, holding the students hostage and stealing belongings of students.[75][76]

2017 protests

[edit]
Main article: 2017 Venezuelan National Assembly attack
Body of Paola Ramírez

During the 2017 Venezuelan protests against Maduro, The New York Times stated that colectivos "appear to be playing a key role in repressing dissent";[7] they fight alongside officials and "engage in fiercer and often deadly intimidation".[7] Bloomberg News said Maduro "unleashed the gangs on a large scale" during the protests.[1] Days before the Mother of All Marches, Diosdado Cabello, a high-level PSUV official loyal to the Bolivarian government, stated that 60,000 motorized colectivos and the Bolivarian Militia would be spread throughout Caracas on 19 April to deter the opposition's march, calling the protest terrorism.[77] During that march, Carlos Moreno, a 17-year-old boy, and 23-year-old Paola Ramírez, were killed by members of colectivos.[78][79]

Colectivos also attacked Venezuela's opposition-majority National Assembly in 2017.[1] Taking over the building where the legislature meets, they beat deputies and protesters with clubs and batons, splitting open the head of one deputy.[1]

United States Senator Marco Rubio discussing colectivos with Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Mike Pompeo

As the 2017 protests intensified, during the 11 May United States Senate Select Committee on Intelligence Worldwide Threats Hearing (SH-216), Senator Marco Rubio discussed with Director of the Central Intelligence Agency Mike Pompeo the role and actions of colectivos in Venezuela. Rubio asked if there was a "real threat" of colectivos selling advanced weaponry to the FARC, drug cartels or terrorists on the black market, to which Director Pompeo replied, "it is a real threat ... Maduro gets more desperate by the hour, the risk of these colectivos acting in a way that is not under his control increases as time goes on as well", mentioning that there has not been evidence of major arms deals taking place, though "stockpiles exist".[80][81]

2018

[edit]

In early 2018, Voice of America said members of colectivos in Aragua state appeared on a Colombian radio show and explained that they were paid by the government to violently prevent opposition marches and that some of their colleagues had "murdered several people".[82]

According to Meduza, the Russian government supplied "specialists" who were involved in training of colectivos back in 2018.[83][Note 1]

El Junquito raid

[edit]

Colectivos were involved in the 2018 operation to kill Venezuelan rebel Óscar Alberto Pérez, working alongside Venezuelan troops during the El Junquito raid. Heiker Leobaldo Vásquez Ferrera of a colectivo located in 23 de Enero was killed during the operation, with Bellingcat and Forensic Architecture highlighting that such cooperation between colectivos and Venezuelan authorities showed there was little separation between them.[84][85][86]

Presidential crisis

[edit]
Further information: Venezuelan presidential crisis

InSight Crime says that colectivos provided strong support for Maduro when he assumed the presidency in his disputed second term.[3] With National Assembly-designated acting President of Venezuela, Juan Guaidó, challenging Maduro's claim to the office, and amid an international effort to convince Maduro to step down and allow humanitarian aid into the country, Bloomberg News reported that colectivos "led the charge" against the opposition to Maduro.[1] Because Guaidó offered an amnesty law to officials and military officers who disavow Maduro, and the colectivos have "nothing to lose", the "government may be using colectivos to relieve pressure on the military" during the 2019 Venezuelan protests, according to Velasco.[1]

As tens of thousands of protesters marched in support on the day that Guaidó took the oath to serve as president, The Guardian reported that Maduro "allies threatened the use of armed pro-government militias–known as colectivos—to quell disturbances".[87] Rafael Uzcátegui—Director of Venezuela's human rights organization, PROVEA—said there were 43 deaths at the protests as of 6 February; he believed most could be attributed to Venezuela's Special Action Force (FAES), followed by the colectivos.[88] InSight Crime said that it is likely that Maduro "recruited (...) FAES members from the colectivos for their callousness and bloodthirstiness".[3] The Washington Post said colectivos are increasingly made up of government or police personnel.[9]

InSight Crime says that, as a result of the crisis in Venezuela, some colectivo members "are beginning to waver in their allegiance to the government because they have not been receiving the economic benefits they once did", but that "they fear persecution should they abandon the government's revolution".[3] The Washington Post said that Maduro relies on them and they help him stay in power in spite of a crumbling economy;[9] Chávez was more popular and not as dependent on colectivos, while Maduro is unpopular because of the economic conditions in the country, and has resorted to violence and intimidation for power.[9] Public Radio International stated that opposition demonstrations "are routinely broken up by masked motorcyclists who open fire onto crowds" and that the government relies on the "loyalty of these irregular paramilitary groups to deal with the public heavy-handedly rather than the military, which could potentially disobey uncomfortable orders and cause a government-military rupture".[13] The South Florida Sun reported that "colectivos have escalated attacks (...) opening fire on civilians and terrorizing communities."[89]

In 2019, the opposition-led National Assembly of Venezuela designated the colectivos as terrorist groups due to their "violence paramilitary actions, intimidation, murders and other crimes", declaring their acts as state-sponsored terrorism.[17][90]

Shipping of humanitarian aid

[edit]
Further information: 2019 shipping of humanitarian aid to Venezuela

Over the weekend of 23–24 February, as Guaidó and the opposition sought to bring humanitarian aid across Venezuela's borders and into the country, colectivos attacked people at both the Colombian and Brazilian borders.[1] Bloomberg said "within a block of an international bridge where food and medicine were waiting" for aid to enter, "colectivos terrorized thousands".[1] They fired weapons from speeding motorcycles, and one protester stated that masked men stepped from behind a row of Venezuelan National Guard and fired on the crowd at the Venezuelan border, while a doctor said that colectivos terrorized with weapons medics who were volunteering to help the wounded.[1] According to a member of Bolivar and Zamora Revolutionary Current (CRBZ), a group present that was described as a colectivo, said that CRBZ went to the border to defend Venezuela's sovereignty and defend against possible military intervention.[22] The CRBZ member said that members of the opposition collaborated with Colombian guerilla groups on the border and that some CRBZ members had to find alternative transportation home since opposition protesters burned their vehicles.[22]

At the Brazilian border, Bloomberg reported that observers said "colectivos ran rampant"; four died and hundreds were wounded.[1] Humberto Prado, the director of the Venezuelan Prison Observatory, "accused the Maduro government of releasing prison inmates to fill the colectivos' ranks in their repression efforts", according to InSight Crime.[3] As many military personnel defected into Colombia during the border clashes, InSight Crime suggested that "many of those who fled (...) did so because they were forced to work with the colectivos".[3]

Blackouts

[edit]
Further information: 2019 Venezuelan blackouts

During blackouts in March 2019, Maduro called on the armed paramilitary gangs, saying, "The time has come for active resistance".[14] US State Department special envoy to Venezuela Elliot Abrams labeled this a "breakdown in law and order", and said, "That's calling for armed gangs to take over the streets (...) Perhaps it is a sign of Maduro's lack of confidence in his own security forces."[91] As blackouts continued, on 31 March, citizens protested the lack of electricity and water in Caracas and other cities; some of the protests occurred close to the presidential palace.[92] Maduro called again on the colectivos, asking them "to defend the peace of every barrio, of every block".[15] Videos circulated on social media showing colectivos threatening protesters and shooting in the streets;[92] two protesters were shot.[15]

2020 Barqusimeto shooting

[edit]
Main article: 2020 Barquisimeto shooting

On 29 February 2020, the Speaker of the National Assembly of Venezuela Juan Guaidó mobilized a march against Nicolás Maduro in the Juan de Villegas parish, Barquisimeto, Lara state. Colectivos shot at Guaido's supporters and him, who was in a van at the time, leaving ten injured.[93][94]

Other incidents

[edit]

On 3 November 2022, colectivos attacked and denailed four female students of the University of the Andes that were protesting against the visit in Mérida state of Diosdado Cabello, vice-president of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV).[95]

2023 opposition primary elections

[edit]
Main article: 2023 Unitary Platform presidential primaries

In the morning of the 2023 Unitary Platform presidential primaries, on 22 October, colectivos prevented the installation of the voting center in the El Guarataro neighborhood of western Caracas. The non-governmental organization Voto Joven denounced that the groups stole material from a voting table and that violence with a firearm was registered.[96] Neighbors of the neighborhood installed the voting center after the intimidation.[97] In Plaza La Estrella, in Caracas, the beginning of voting was postponed due to the intentional burning of garbage in the center of the voting point.[98][99] Nuns of the Patronato San José de Tarbes denounced that voters who tried to participate were threatened by colectivos, and that the center had to be moved to another location.[100] Also in the morning, armed civilians entered the voting point La Cañada, in San Juan parish, pointed at the coordinator of the voting center and took away a table during the beginning of the process, firing several shots.[101]

Prominent groups

[edit]

There were between 20 and 100 different colectivo groups in Venezuela as of 2014, with the most prominent groups being the Tupamaros, La Piedrita, Tres Raices, Frente Francisco de Miranda, Alexis Vive, and Ciudad Socialista Frente 5 de Marzo,[6][29][102][103] In 2018, InSight Crime reported 46 groups in the 23 de Enero barrio alone.[6] They control about 10% of Venezuelan cities,[7] and operate in 16 Venezuelan states;[3] Velasco says they number 5,000 to 7,000 individuals nationwide as of 2019.[9] InSight Crime says that Tres Raíces and Frente 5 de Marzo are closely linked with Venezuela's security forces.[6] Tres Raíces is also "one of the better armed" with members also working government jobs for SEBIN (Intelligence), DGCIM (military counterintelligence), FAES (police special action force) or municipal police.[6]

La Piedrita

[edit]
Main article: La Piedrita
Location of prominent colectivos in the Capital District.

La Piedrita colectivo is one of the most influential in Caracas,[29] specifically in 23 de Enero barrio where it has its roots dating to 1985 with founders Carlos Ramírez and Valentín Santana.[104] La Piedrita formally organized when Bolivarian Circles were established by Chávez in Venezuela,[24] and since then, has been described as a colectivo that is one of "the most violent in the country".[104] La Piedrita was also headed by Lina Ron, who at the time of her leadership stated that thousands of Bolivarian Circles such as her own were "armed to the teeth".[24][105] Ron had a connection with Diosdado Cabello from as early as 2002 when Cabello was the key supporter of Ron.[24] Also, Cabello had supposedly mediated between La Piedrita and the Tupamaros when they had a conflict in 2010.[24]

Tupamaros

[edit]
Main article: Tupamaro (Venezuela)

The Revolutionary Tupamaro Movement (Tupamaro) is a far left Marxist-Leninist colectivo and political organization in Venezuela. Several Tupamaros participate in peaceful movements while some believe the "idea of armed struggle as a means to gain power".[106] Chávez's government had an "ambiguous" relationship with the Tupamaros, who helped manage social programs, such as child care and drug rehabilitation centers, and promoted political participation; however, the Tupamaros' involvement in vigilante justice in high crime areas that the police force often avoided led to rifts with the federal government, which resorted on occasions to using the military to deal with the groups when they clashed with police.[107] The Tupamaros are known to "cleanse" neighborhoods of criminals: if repeated warnings to criminals to leave an area fail, they often resort to murder using "death squads",[106][107] though some claim that these measures are taken to remove competition in the area.[108] During the 2014 Venezuelan protests, Tupamaros worked with the Venezuelan National Guard to attack protesters, with videos and pictures being uploaded to social networks.[109]

Funding and resources

[edit]

Monetary

[edit]

Colectivos were initially funded by the Bolivarian government,[8] but became less dependent on the government, by funding themselves through crimes such as drug trafficking and extortion.[8] Gunson states that some funding for colectivos comes from demanding payment for protection and requiring members to pay fees.[4] According to The New York Times, colectivos "control vast territory across Venezuela, financed in some cases by extortion, black-market food and parts of the drug trade as the government turns a blind eye in exchange for loyalty".[7] The Washington Post says some colectivos "have been put in charge of the distribution of government food packages in poor areas—giving them control over hungry neighborhoods.[9]

In 2018, InSight Crime reported that the colectivos have diverse income sources—both legal and illegal.[6] Some run legal, profitable businesses, but also receive government funds, largely through the profitable venture of distributing food through government concessions.[6] One Tupamaro leader told InSight Crime that trafficking food and medicine is as profitable as drug-running, while less risky.[6] InSight Crime also learned that colectivos are running "clandestine casinos".[6]

Some colectivos, such as the Tupamaros, have formal links with the Venezuelan government and politics, with over 7,000 individuals on the Caracas payroll since 2008.[4] Stratfor says that Diosdado Cabello, Freddy Bernal and Eliezer Otaiza, have been implicated in directing colectivos or helping fund them.[24] Colectivos also receive funds from government funding for community projects.[4] Velasco states that colectivos "receive government funding through both formal and informal channels, including slush funds the government doles out to different sectors" and also have "personal ties between members and government officials to access resources".[4]

Weapons

[edit]

El Pais stated that the Venezuelan government directly arms colectivos with weapons.[2] Velasco believes that the same formal and informal methods of receiving funds is used for weapons.[4] These methods include being armed and trained in formal government militias or working as security and bodyguards.[4] Despite the Venezuelan government's statements saying that only official authorities can carry weapons for the defense of Venezuela, colectivos are armed with automatic rifles such as AK-47s, submachine guns, fragmentation grenades, and tear gas.[4][32]

Crime

[edit]
Further information: Crime in Venezuela

Colectivos sometimes provide protection from crime in some neighborhoods they are committed to,[31] though some neighborhoods report that colectivos attack neighbors themselves.[29] As colectivos attempted to gain independence from the government, they began "controlling organized crime like drug trafficking in Caracas barrios.[7] Some colectivos patrol the 23 de Enero barrio on motorcycles, masked and armed, supposedly to protect the neighborhood from criminals such as drug dealers.[32] According to ABC News, "it is widely believed that colectivos kill drug traffickers who do not obey their orders".[32]

According to the International Crisis Group, colectivos may be involved in drug trafficking, arms dealing, and car theft.[4] Phil Gunson, a freelance reporter for foreign media, states that, "It's no secret that many colectivos engage in criminal activities."[4] Gunson reported that colectivos combat criminal gangs in neighborhoods and take over the previous gang's business in crime and also take over buildings already owned by individuals and collect rent from the owners.[4] Colectivos are thought to be partially responsible for the increase in the Venezuelan murder rate, according to the Metropolitan Observatory on Citizen Security.[110]

An Organization of American States report on human rights violations in Venezuela stated that colectivos murdered at least 131 individuals between 2014 and 2017 during anti-government protests.[111]

Education

[edit]
Children of the La Piedrita colectivo receiving awards at the Palacio Municipal de Caracas.

As of 2013, colectivos ran education initiatives.[32] According to Ennio Cardozo, a professor of political science at the Central University of Venezuela, colectivos "do talks, forums and they indoctrinate very young kids into Marxism. The government finances all this. But if you don't agree with them they will shut you out from most of the social programs until you give allegiance to the (socialist) party."[32] The president of the School of Teachers in Táchira, Javier Tarazona [es], stated that the Venezuelan government encouraged the participation of guerrillas and colectivos in schools and that their involvement "promotes violence, confrontation and, if necessary, war".[112]

The president of the Venezuelan Chamber of Private Education, María Teresa Hernández, declared in 2014 that Resolution 058 passed in 2012 by the government was unconstitutional and that it "seeks for colectivos with political projects of the ruling party to be directly involved in public and private schools". She stated that schoolchildren are "very easy to manipulate" and need to develop political beliefs on their own.[113] Article 102, for example, states that "Education, is a public service, and is grounded on the respect for all currents of thought".[114]

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^ At the time, Vladimir Putin was in charge of President.

References

[edit]
  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Rosati, Andrew (26 February 2019). "Maduro's masked thugs unleash terror along the Venezuelan border". Bloomberg. Retrieved 28 February 2019.
  2. ^ a b c d e "Así operan los 'colectivos', las fuerzas paramilitares chavistas de Venezuela" [This is how the 'collectives', the Venezuelan Chavista paramilitary forces, operate]. El Pais. 23 February 2014. Archived from the original on 7 April 2019. Retrieved 20 March 2014.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i j "The Armed Groups Propping Up Venezuela's Government". InSight Crime. 1 March 2019. Retrieved 13 March 2019.
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Gurney, Kyra. "Venezuela's Leftist Collectives: Criminals or Revolutionaries?". InSight Crime. Archived from the original on 26 November 2014. Retrieved 1 December 2014.
  5. ^ a b c "Venezuela's Tupamaros on the side of the law". San Francisco Gate. 16 November 2008. Retrieved 5 April 2014.
  6. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p "The devolution of state power: The 'Colectivos'". Insight Crime. 18 May 2018. Retrieved 28 February 2019. Also available in Spanish.
  7. ^ a b c d e f g Torres, Patricia and Nicholas Casey (22 April 2017). "Armed civilian bands in Venezuela prop up unpopular president". The New York Times. Retrieved 23 April 2017.
  8. ^ a b c d Venezuela: A Mafia State?. Medellin, Colombia: InSight Crime. 2018. pp. 3–84.
  9. ^ a b c d e f g h i Sheridan, Mary Beth and Mariana Zuñiga (14 March 2019). "Maduro's muscle: Motorcycle gangs known as 'colectivos' are the enforcers for Venezuela's authoritarian leader". Sun Sentinel. The Washington Post. Retrieved 14 March 2019.
  10. ^ a b c Wallis, Dan (13 February 2014). "Venezuela violence puts focus on militant 'colectivo' groups". Reuters. Retrieved 20 March 2014.
  11. ^ Tapia Reynolds, Gioconda (28 October 2014). "Venezuela marcada por la violencia". Voice of America. Retrieved 28 October 2014.
  12. ^ "Nights of terror: Attacks and illegal raids on homes in Venezuela" (PDF). Amnesty International. 2017. Retrieved 28 February 2019.
  13. ^ a b Taylor, Luke (25 April 2019). "Maduro turns to violent 'mercenary' colectivos to maintain order". Public Radio International. Retrieved 2 May 2019.
  14. ^ a b Phillips, Tom (12 March 2019). "US pulls all staff from Venezuela as Maduro blames blackout on 'demonic' Trump plot". The Guardian. Retrieved 13 March 2019.
  15. ^ a b c Phillips, Tom (1 April 2019). "Venezuela: Maduro calls on armed groups to keep order amid electricity rationing". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 1 April 2019.
  16. ^ "OAS says to present evidence of Venezuela rights violations to The Hague". Reuters. Retrieved 30 May 2018.
  17. ^ a b c "AN declaró como terroristas a los colectivos" [NA declares colectivos terrorists]. Prensa AN (Press release) (in Spanish). National Assembly of Venezuela. 2 April 2019. Archived from the original on 4 April 2019. Retrieved 9 April 2019.
  18. ^ a b "Venezuela: Justice Needed for Systematic Abuses". Human Rights Watch. 14 December 2020. Retrieved 17 November 2023.
  19. ^ a b "ICC prosecutor sees 'reasonable basis' to believe Venezuela committed crimes against humanity". Reuters. 14 December 2020. Retrieved 12 May 2021.
  20. ^ a b Prosecution request to resume the investigation into the situation in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela I pursuant to article 18(2) (PDF). International Criminal Court: Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court. 1 November 2022. p. 37. Retrieved 15 November 2023. The Prosecution determined that there was a reasonable basis to believe that, since at least April 2017, members of the State security forces, civilian authorities and pro-government individuals (members of pro-governmental groups called colectivos) may have committed the crimes against humanity
  21. ^ "Human rights violations and abuses in the context of protests in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela from 1 April to 31 July 2017" (PDF). Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. United Nations. Retrieved 31 August 2017.
  22. ^ a b c d Fuentes, Federico (5 June 2019). "Who are Venezuela's Colectivos?". ZNetwork. Retrieved 15 November 2023.
  23. ^ "Venezuela Motorcylce Gang Videos Show Terror And Violence In Support Of Maduro". Huffington Post. 25 February 2014. Retrieved 21 March 2014.
  24. ^ a b c d e f g "Venezuela's Pro-Government Activists Play a Role in Protest Violence". Stratfor. Retrieved 1 March 2015.
  25. ^ http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/home/opendoc.htm?tbl=RSDCOI&page=research&id=3dec9b4b4 UNHCR
  26. ^ Henrique Otero, Miguel (25 July 2023). "Paramilitary, the backbone of the Chavez and Maduro regimes". El Confidencial. Retrieved 10 September 2023. From that moment on, the paramilitary bands and the motorcycle groups arose in dozens of cities all around the country – 36 cities, according to a 2005 report of the Venezuelan newspaper El Nacional.
  27. ^ Sierra, Sandra (8 November 2007). "Gunfire erupts at Venezuela university". newsvine.com. Associated Press. Archived from the original on 11 December 2007. Retrieved 3 December 2007.
  28. ^ "Tirotean a estudiantes opositores a Chávez" [Students opposed to Chavez are shot at]. La Prensa (in Spanish). 8 November 2007. Retrieved 15 November 2023.
  29. ^ a b c d "Colectivos en Venezuela: ¿Organizaciones sociales o criminales?". NTN24. 8 October 2014. Archived from the original on 10 October 2014. Retrieved 9 October 2014.
  30. ^ Solis, Diego. "In Venezuela, armed groups find opportunity in calamity". Stratfor. Retrieved 5 March 2016.
  31. ^ a b c d "Venezuela is on borrowed time". Business Insider. 29 November 2014. Retrieved 1 December 2014.
  32. ^ a b c d e f Markovits, Martin and Manuel Rueda (27 March 2013). "Venezuela election is a high stakes affair for local vigilante groups". ABC News. Retrieved 1 December 2014.
  33. ^ Wallis, Daniel (15 August 2012). "Insight: Chavista militants may be wild card after Venezuela vote". Reuters. Retrieved 21 March 2014.
  34. ^ Sánchez, Fabiola (4 August 2009). "Detienen a Lina Ron por ataque a Globovisión". El Nuevo Herald. Retrieved 16 June 2018.
  35. ^ "Especial N24: polémica e irreverente, la vida de Lina Ron a tres años de su muerte". Noticias24. 5 March 2014. Archived from the original on 8 March 2015. Retrieved 1 March 2015.
  36. ^ Velasco, Alejandro (2022). "From "Grupos de Trabajo" to "Colectivos": The Evolution of Armed Pro-Government Groups in the Chávez Era". Espacio Abierto. 31 (2). University of Zulia: 103–120.
  37. ^ "Democracy and Human Rights in Venezuela". INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS. (. Washington, DC: Organization of American States. 2009.
  38. ^ Wallis, Dan (13 February 2014). "Venezuela violence puts focus on militant 'colectivo' groups". Retrieved 20 March 2014.
  39. ^ "Wikileaks de Venezuela: chavistas Lina Ron y Valentín Santana, "terroristas" para Washington". Semana. 4 July 2011. Retrieved 1 March 2015.
  40. ^ a b "October election already fuelling threats and violence against media". Reporters Without Borders. 24 March 2012. Archived from the original on 24 March 2012. Retrieved 15 January 2022.
  41. ^ a b "Globovisión journalists attacked in Venezuela". Committee to Protect Journalists. 6 March 2012. Retrieved 7 March 2012.
  42. ^ a b c d Chávez moviliza comandos armados por si pierde las elecciones
  43. ^ a b Chávez moviliza una red de comandos armados para controlar una eventual votación adversa
  44. ^ "Preliminary Report Study Missision of the Carter Center : Presidential Elections in Venezuela – April 14, 2013" (PDF). Carter Center. Retrieved 20 March 2014.
  45. ^ a b "Punished for protesting" (PDF). Human Rights Watch. 2014. Archived from the original (PDF) on 13 May 2014. Retrieved 27 February 2019.
  46. ^ "A tale of two prisoners". Economist. 20 February 2014. Retrieved 21 March 2014.
  47. ^ "Varela: Colectivos son el pilar para la defensa de la patria". El Universal. 15 February 2014. Retrieved 26 March 2014.
  48. ^ "Colectivos de paz accionan armas de fuego en la Rómulo Gallegos ante mirada de la GNB". La Patilla. 19 February 2014. Retrieved 19 February 2014.
  49. ^ "Colectivos paramilitares irrumpen en hogares y amenazan con violar a los residentes con "permiso" de la GNB". La Patilla. 27 March 2014. Retrieved 29 March 2014.
  50. ^ "Colectivos estarían involucrados e12 homicidios 25/03/14Caracas". Asociacion Civil Control Ciudadano. Archived from the original on 31 March 2014. Retrieved 26 March 2014.
  51. ^ "La Universidad Fermín Toro de Barquisimeto fue incendiada por supuestos colectivos este lunes". NTN24. 5 May 2014. Archived from the original on 11 August 2017. Retrieved 6 May 2014.
  52. ^ "Denuncian que incendio en la Universidad Fermín Toro fue causado por colectivos armados". El Nacional. 5 May 2014. Archived from the original on 6 May 2014. Retrieved 6 May 2014.
  53. ^ "Lanzaron bomba lacrimógena en la Universidad Fermín Toro". El Universal. 10 June 2014. Retrieved 14 June 2014.
  54. ^ "Protesters back in streets in Venezuela". USA Today. 24 February 2014. Retrieved 21 March 2014.
  55. ^ a b c "Armed pro-govt militias roil Venezuela protests". The Associated Press. 30 March 2014. Archived from the original on 5 December 2014. Retrieved 31 March 2014.
  56. ^ "Arreaza promete desarme de grupos armados". El Universal. 28 March 2014. Retrieved 6 April 2014.
  57. ^ "Venezuela: peaceful and respectful dialogue only way out of the crisis, MEPs say". European Parliament. 27 February 2014. Retrieved 28 February 2014.
  58. ^ "Venezuela: Violence Against Protesters, Journalists". Human Rights Watch. 21 February 2014. Retrieved 21 March 2014.
  59. ^ a b Lansberg-Rodriguez, Daniel (8 October 2014). "In Caracas, Death Doesn't Discriminate According to Politics". Foreign Policy. Retrieved 9 October 2014.
  60. ^ "Chavista legislator Robert Serra murdered in Venezuela". DW.DE. Retrieved 3 October 2014.
  61. ^ "BBC News - Venezuelan lawmaker Robert Serra killed in Caracas". BBC News. 2 October 2014. Retrieved 2 October 2014.
  62. ^ Buitrago, Deisy (2 October 2014). "Venezuelan 'Chavista' lawmaker Serra stabbed, killed at home". Reuters. Retrieved 2 October 2014.
  63. ^ a b c d e López, Virginia (8 October 2014). "Venezuela militia members killed by police amid political unrest". The Guardian. Retrieved 9 October 2014.
  64. ^ a b Lee, Brianna (28 October 2014). "Venezuela's Maduro Promises A 'Police Revolution' After Lawmaker Robert Serra's Murder". International Business Times. Retrieved 28 October 2014.
  65. ^ a b c Sanchez, Fabiola and Jorge Rueda (8 October 2014). "5 Dead in Venezuela After Tense Police Standoff". ABC News. Retrieved 10 October 2014. Also available at San Diego Tribune.
  66. ^ a b "Difunden presunto video de José Odreman muerto en Quinta Crespo". Panorama. 8 October 2014. Archived from the original on 15 October 2014. Retrieved 10 October 2014.
  67. ^ Lugo, Angelica (9 October 2014). "Habitantes del Manfredir niegan que colectivos se enfrentaran con comisiones del Cicpc". El Nacional. Archived from the original on 11 October 2014. Retrieved 11 October 2014.
  68. ^ "A murder in Venezuela: Most foul". The Economist. 14 October 2014. Retrieved 28 October 2014.
  69. ^ "President Maduro orders inquiry into deadly events downtown Caracas". El Universal. 8 October 2014. Archived from the original on 14 October 2014. Retrieved 10 October 2014.
  70. ^ Dávila Torres, Daniela and María Sosa Calcaño (10 October 2014). "4 casos relacionan 9 homicidios". Runrunes. Retrieved 12 October 2014.
  71. ^ ""El Che" venezolano: Los colectivos estamos en pie de guerra". El Nacional. 9 October 2014. Archived from the original on 17 October 2014. Retrieved 27 February 2019.
  72. ^ Madariaga, Sebastian (9 October 2014). "El Che De Los Colectivos Declara La Guerra "Estamos En Pie De Guerra" DIJO". AhoraVisión. Archived from the original on 28 October 2014. Retrieved 10 October 2014.
  73. ^ Nederr, Sofia (25 October 2014). "Presión de colectivos incidió en salida de Rodríguez Torres". El Nacional. Archived from the original on 25 October 2014. Retrieved 26 October 2014.
  74. ^ Maria Delgado, Antonio (29 October 2014). "Colectivos venezolanos ahora van por Diosdado Cabello". El Nuevo Herald. Retrieved 8 November 2014.
  75. ^ "Estudiantes de la ULA denunciaron ataques de colectivos". El Universal. 2 March 2015. Retrieved 3 March 2015.
  76. ^ León, Leonardo (2 March 2015). "Colectivos motorizados armados entraron a núcleo de ULA-Mérida y dispararon". El Nacional. Archived from the original on 4 March 2015. Retrieved 3 March 2015.
  77. ^ "Diosdado Cabello: La oposición no va a entrar a Caracas este #19Abr". La Patilla (in European Spanish). 17 April 2017. Retrieved 18 April 2017.
  78. ^ "The Latest: US official expresses concern over Venezuela". ABC News. Associated Press. 19 April 2017. Archived from the original on 19 April 2017. Retrieved 19 April 2017.
  79. ^ "Report of the General Secretariat Of The Organization Of American States And The Panel Of Independent International Experts On The Possible Commission of Crimes Against Humanity In Venezuela" (PDF). Organization of American States. 29 May 2018. p. 90. That same April 19, 23-year-old Paola Andreína Ramírez Gómez, a student at the Catholic University of San Cristóbal, was killed in the vicinity of the Plaza de Las Palomas of the neighborhood of San Carlos, Táchira state, when she was intercepted by several armed civilians on motorcycles "patrolling" the demonstrations taking place in the area. They tried to strip her of her belongings, and as she tried to run away she was struck down by a bullet that perforated her lungs.
    * "Colectivos: el rostro civil de la represión en Táchira" (in Spanish). Venezuelan Observatory of Violence. 15 August 2017. Archived from the original on 3 April 2019. Retrieved 23 March 2019. Allí cayó la joven de 23 años en medio de un enfrentamiento entre un vecino del sector y este grupo armado.
    * "Así mataron los colectivos chavistas a Paola Ramírez, la segunda víctima del #19A en Venezuela". Infobae (in Spanish). 20 April 2017. Retrieved 23 March 2019. El asesinato de Paola Andreína Ramírez Gómez, una joven estudiante de 23 años, quedó registrado en al menos dos videos que muestran cómo operan los colectivos chavistas que acabaron con su vida.
  80. ^ "CIA advierte sobre transferencia de armas en Venezuela". Voice of America (in Spanish). 11 May 2017. Retrieved 11 May 2017.
  81. ^ "CIA: Milicias armadas en Venezuela pueden acabar fuera de control". El Universal (in Spanish). 11 May 2017. Archived from the original on 11 May 2017. Retrieved 11 May 2017.
  82. ^ "Colectivos confiezan que fueron contratados para disipar marchas opositoras" [Collectives confess that they were hired to dispel opposing marches]. Voice of America (in Spanish). 28 January 2018. Retrieved 28 January 2018.
  83. ^ "Geopolitical debts Why Russia is really sending military advisers and other specialists to Venezuela". Meduza. Retrieved 21 May 2021.
  84. ^ "Maduro y la "masacre de El Junquito"". Deutsche Welle (in Spanish). 19 January 2018. Retrieved 20 January 2018.
  85. ^ "Investigación revela lo ocurrido durante las últimas horas de Óscar Pérez". Efecto Cocuyo (in Spanish). 13 May 2018. Archived from the original on 21 December 2018. Retrieved 23 May 2018.
  86. ^ ""¡Nos vamos a entregar! ¡No sigan disparando! ": Reconstruyendo las últimas horas de Óscar Pérez - bellingcatdate=13 May 2018". Bellingcat. Retrieved 23 May 2018.
  87. ^ "Venezuela protests: thousands march as military faces call to abandon Maduro". The Guardian. 23 January 2019. Retrieved 28 February 2019.
  88. ^ Phillips, Tom and Patricia Torres (6 February 2019). "'They are murderers': special forces unit strikes fear in Venezuelans". The Guardian. Retrieved 28 February 2019.
  89. ^ Sheridan, Mary Beth and Anthony Faiola (13 March 2019). "Venezuela investigates Guaido for sabotage". South Florida Sun - Sentinel. p. A.3 – via ProQuest.
  90. ^ "La AN declaró como terrorismo de Estado las acciones de los colectivos" [The NA declares the colectivos as state terrorists]. El Nacional (in Spanish). 2 April 2019. Retrieved 9 April 2019.
  91. ^ Shesgreen, Deirdre (14 March 2019). "Power out, water scarce, looting: Venezuela in crisis. Will Trump administration react?". USA Today. Retrieved 14 March 2019.
  92. ^ a b Torchia, Christopher (1 April 2019). "Venezuela's Maduro announces power rationing amid outages". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on 1 April 2019. Retrieved 1 April 2019.
  93. ^ Singer, Florantonia (1 March 2020). "El ataque a una concentración de Juan Guaidó deja al menos cinco heridos". El País (in Spanish). ISSN 1134-6582. Retrieved 19 May 2021.
  94. ^ "Colectivos chavistas atacaron una concentración convocada por Juan Guaidó en Barquisimeto". infobae (in Spanish). 29 February 2020. Retrieved 19 May 2021.
  95. ^ "Estudiantes de la ULA fueron agredidas por chavistas: les arrancaron uñas de las manos". Monitoreamos (in Spanish). 3 November 2022. Retrieved 6 November 2022.
  96. ^ "Colectivos impiden instalar centros de votación en el Guarataro, Caracas". El Carabobeño. Archived from the original on 22 October 2023. Retrieved 22 October 2023.
  97. ^ "Vecinos de El Guarataro resistieron a colectivos e instalaron el centro de votación para votar en la Primaria (VIDEO) LaPatilla.com". La Patilla. 22 October 2023. Archived from the original on 23 October 2023. Retrieved 23 October 2023.
  98. ^ "The Primaries Are Here | El Feed". Caracas Chronicles. Archived from the original on 22 October 2023. Retrieved 22 October 2023.
  99. ^ Efecto Cocuyo. "#EnVideo Punto de votación frente a la bomba de gasolina en plaza La Estrella aún no empieza el proceso de votación. Los votantes denuncian saboteó al proceso y hay personas quemando basura frente al punto". Twitter. Archived from the original on 23 October 2023. Retrieved 23 October 2023.
  100. ^ Luján, Raylí (22 October 2023). "Elección primaria en Venezuela: Así transcurrió la jornada para definir un candidato único opositor". Bloomberg Línea. Archived from the original on 23 October 2023. Retrieved 23 October 2023.
  101. ^ Rivas, Fernanda Ramírez, Lucía, Norma (22 October 2023). "En el municipio Sucre inicio de la elección primaria fluyó a pesar de las trabas de funcionarios y civiles". Crónica Uno. Archived from the original on 23 October 2023. Retrieved 23 October 2023.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  102. ^ "Dangerous Uncertainty ahead of Venezuela's Elections Crisis Group Latin America Report N°42, 26 June 2012" (PDF). Report. International Crisis Group. Archived from the original (PDF) on 18 June 2013. Retrieved 20 March 2014.
  103. ^ "COLECTIVOS: Los Tupamaros, el brazo armado del chavismo". Reportero 24. 13 February 2014. Retrieved 22 March 2014.
  104. ^ a b "Los 5 colectivos chavistas más temidos por la población civil de Venezuela". Infobae (in Spanish). 29 April 2017. Retrieved 2 May 2017.
  105. ^ "Venezuela: Armed Bolivarian Circles". Stratfor. Retrieved 1 March 2015.
  106. ^ a b Ruiz, Roger (12 February 2014). "Los Tupamaro, la fuerza de choque del chavismo". El Comercio. Retrieved 8 May 2014.
  107. ^ a b "Venezuela's Tupamaros on the side of the law". SF Gate. 16 November 2008. Retrieved 8 May 2014.
  108. ^ "Los Tupamaros, el brazo armado del chavismo". Infobae. 13 February 2014. Retrieved 7 August 2014.
  109. ^ "Venezuela: Así actúan Tupamaros con protección del chavismo [Video]". Peru 21. 22 February 2014. Archived from the original on 30 July 2017. Retrieved 8 May 2014.
  110. ^ Stone, Hannah (15 March 2012). "Political Divisions Fuel Venezuela's Most Violent Year". InSight Crime. Retrieved 1 December 2014.
  111. ^ "OAS says to present evidence of Venezuela rights violations to The Hague". Reuters. Retrieved 30 May 2018.
  112. ^ "Cuba "adoctrina" a los niños en las escuelas públicas y privadas de Venezuela". Infobae. 7 December 2014. Retrieved 22 February 2015.
  113. ^ "Denuncian que colectivos con proyectos políticos quieren participar en colegios". Globovision. 13 April 2014. Archived from the original on 19 February 2015. Retrieved 13 April 2014.
  114. ^ "De la 058 y de la calidad educativa". Sol de Margarita. 9 May 2014. Retrieved 11 May 2014.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Colectivo_(Venezuela)&oldid=1256681395"